- Year of publication: 2003
- Source: Show
- Pages: 244-245
- DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2003019
The dynamic and range of polemics among social scientists can testify to branches of science vivacity and progress. Especially when those polemics’ implications are not closed inside the academic world, but they influence social and political life. This situation refers to liberal-communitarian debate. In 1956 Peter Laslett in Philosophy, Politics and Society announced the death of political philosophy. This subdisciplines’ end, as well as the whole philosophy, was connected with the rudimental modern world’s split in the humanistic and scientific vision. The collapse and rot of the political philosophy (Leo Strauss) reached their culmination in the logical positivism and its derivatives’ supremacy time. This neopositivism had been looking for the clear criteria of the science and metaphysic’s demarcation and, at the same time, had tried to exclude metaphysic outside the legitimated reflection.
In 2004 a remarkably interesting book appeared on Polish book market, written by a young researcher of Gdańsk’s circle, entitled The Road from Dictatorship to Democracy on Examples of Spain and Poland. This work is a subsequent volume of a publishing series Poland-European Union-Integration published under the patronage of Marshal of Senat of the Republic of Poland, Longin Pastusiak.
In spring 2005 I received an invitation from the US Department of State to visit the USA. Under an international research project International Visitor Leadership Program I took part in more than 70 different appointments, panel discussions, conferences and lectures. My stay was an individual and open one which means that it was arranged for a single person and several months in advance I was able to indicate the towns, universities and institutions I would like to visit and name the persons I would like to meet. The stay was also arranged in a way that provided me with an opportunity to become well acquainted with the United States both through the perspective of US cities (such as New York, Boston and Seattle), middle-sized towns (e.g. Buff alo and Indianapolis) and US provinces. The differences are by no means trivial both with respect to sizes and infrastructure as well as cultural and moral aspects. Diff erences may also be observed when comparing the East and West Coast. The complete itinerary of my visit included Washington – Hartford – Buffalo – Chicago – Indianapolis – Bloomington – Minneapolis – Seattle – Boston – New York.
The starting point of theoretical discourse on social conflicts, including ethnic ones, usually concerns their inevitability. This is because they form a specific class of social conflicts and as such are inherent – and crucial – for all social relations. A lot of notable works on the subject include such observation. ‘Conflict, of course, is intrinsic to human society and is often an agent of reform, adaptation, and development. But conflict can also engender destructive violence’, writes Richard H. Solomon. Conflicts perform the role of both social destroyers and creators, says Johan Galtung, and stresses: ‘Conflict generates energy. The problem is how to channel that energy constructively.’
The Warsaw Uprising of August to October 1944 is a most appropriate subject given the impending 60th anniversary observance of this heroic and tragic occurrence. Our panel affords us with the opportunity to discuss and to reflect on this event, which in many ways embodies so much of the larger story of modern Poland. Our discussion occurs also at a time when we recall many other events of 1944, a climactic year in World War II. June 6 marks the 60th anniversary of the successful and massive Allied military invasion of France in Normandy. This victory was the decisive military achievement of the United States of America and its allies against Nazi Germany on the western front.
According to a nationwide survey conducted in July 2004 by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press in association with the Council on Foreign Affairs 41% of those surveyed cited war, foreign policy and terrorism as the most important problems facing the United States of America. For the first time since the Vietnam era American voters are more concerned about international and defense issues than the economy or other domestic issues in the upcoming presidential election; thus the importance of foreign affairs in Democratic and Republican Parties’ platforms.
A common knowledge shapes our perception of the world and forms our understanding of political phenomena. And almost everyone could agree with the argument that circumstances influence politics. The ebbs and flows in influence, power, prerogatives, performance, and activity of many political actors are an effect of changes in the world outside of them. But one may reasonably argue: what is the cause and what is the result? Is it really true the circumstances evidently, clearly have an effect on e.g. US presidential prerogatives? Or, quite contrary, is the actual, current politics as active as the presidents used their power? The article is about how the two worlds infl uence each other, what are the mutual connections between politics and political actors’ powers.
This publication aims at presenting the signifi cance of the regionalization or rather integration process taking place in post-communist Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) in the light of globalisation, with particular attention on political and economic aspects. This article also aims at presenting this problem in a very concise way, both substantially and quantitatively. The Europe of the XXI century is an integrating Europe, and by means of regional integration it moves towards a higher range of integration – globalisation. Thus, each European country, including post-communist Baltic States (Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia) while adapting to quality changes of contemporariness, realizes both the regionalization or integration processes, as well as globalisation one.
One of the characteristic features of modern world are migrations of people. They are caused either by social or economic and political reasons of respective states and regions of the world. Population processes constitute, at present, a global problem. In the consequence of population’s number fast increase and the irregular economic development of the world, they still remain as an actual research question. An universal regularity of present migratory processes is a decrease of birth rate along with improving the life conditions. The highest birth rate can be observed in the poorest countries. Depopulation tendencies occur, in turn, in economically developed countries. Apart from economic factors, the differences in population increase, are also influenced by social and cultural conditions of a certain region, and the evolution of political system and programs of ruling elite. Greatly diverse is also, so called, the “quality” of contemporary migration. It is presented alike by poor, uneducated people and highly educated specialists from diff erent fi elds of social and economic life.
In contemporary Europe, there can be noted the overlapping and rivalry of the two signifi cant tendencies, which are becoming stronger and stronger. On one hand, one can notice multilevel processes of integration and conditions connected with them and that are concerned with democracy, tolerance, globalization, etc. On the other hand, one can observe disintegrative factors of various kind, which refer to actions and postures connected with chauvinism, xenophobia, neo- fascism and separatism. In the second view, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), various aspects connected with nationalism seem to be of great significance. This is clearly reflected by the events which took place in, for example, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo or Macedonia.
When analyzing events which unfolded in the Ukraine during the final months of 2004 and the involvement of Polish politicians and public opinion in the struggle for the preservation of the democratic character of presidential elections, a question arises regarding the connection of their actions with the political projects of Jerzy Giedroyć, the founder and sole editor of an influential magazine and a centre of political thought, which was Culture, published in Maisons-Laffitte, near Paris, in the years 1947–2000. Historians and political scientists rightly emphasize the fact that the „Eastern doctrine”, also known as the ULB doctrine (from the abbreviation of „Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus”), has been a constant element of Polish foreign policy since 1989. Generally speaking, Giedroyć was convinced that nationalist impulses would eventually destroy the Russian empire from within, and a sovereign Poland would gain three new neighbours in the East: Ukraine, Lithuania and Belarus. This process was expected to take place in the near future, as foreseen by Culture contributors who called on the émigrés from Eastern Europe to work together in laying solid foundations for the future partnership.
Political cooperation between Poland and Germany has not been running smoothly lately. It has been a long time since those relations had such bad press. The idea of the Center Against Expulsions, the matter of war reparations or discussions concerning the shape of the European Constitution are the issues which have made our relations colder. However, there is a area of co-operation, the military sphere, where co-operation runs exemplary. In this article I would like to draw attention to a few issues connected with this matter.
The notion of ‘style’ with reference to power is inherently vague and non-existent in the research terminology of social science. On the other hand though, it is difficult to find a more adequate expression to describe a peculiar, individual way of making use of powers deriving not so much from systematic adjustments as from the personality of a leader. Political power does not simply come down to a simple mechanism of giving and executing orders. It is a sort of performance demanding appropriate requisites lights, prestige and actors. As Herman suitably states: authority by its very nature seeks obedience and enhances prestige. Adopting a common view that each leader is a product of his own age, the personality of a president, therefore, incorporates both individual features and a shared experience of his generation. Considering the ways of realization the presidential power in Poland after 1989 it should be referred not only to its institutional or political aspects but also to historical and cultural background as factors co-determining this peculiar model of leadership.
Prof. Jerzy Muszyński is a member of the Political Sciences Committee at the Polish Academy of Sciences. His academic interest is centered around the issues connected with the history of political and legal doctrines, the history of states and legal rules, political science, political systems, and the recent political thought. He is the author of numerous academic dissertations and articles, and an editor of collective works. He publishes his research both in Poland and abroad. Jerzy Muszyński has also been for many years an academic lecturer and researcher in the area of legal studies and political science.
Recently on the publishing market there appeared an interesting work devoted to the issue of populism in the current politics. is book defi nitely deserves special attention. First of all, it successfully fits in the bibliography so far, just to mention the work edited by Ryszard Markowski Populism and Democracy or a book by Joanna Dzwończyk entitled Populist Tendencies in a Post-Socialist Society. Secondly, the reviewed work presents the reader with a wider perspective.
Tags: book review
Plans to impose the martial law in the region of Toruń have been prepared since autumn 1980. Already in February a list of people to be interned was completed, it was, however, successively actualized. On the night of 12 December 1981 the militia and army troops seized some works in Toruń, the seat of Toruń Solidarity was also demolished. The leading activists of Solidarity, Solidarity of Individual Farmers and Independent Students’ Association (the NZS) have been interned. Further arrestments of individual activists have continued till autumn 1982. Strikes proclaimed in the works of Toruń within the very first days of martial law were suppressed quickly. The longest, one-day protest, took place on 13 December 1981 at Nicolaus Copernicus University. In the first days of the martial law Solidarity and Independent Students Association activists, who have managed so far to escape internments, took steps to rescue and secure the organizations’ property, which later turned out to be extremely useful at underground work.
Doctor Arkadiusz Kawecki is an employee of the Institute of Political Science and European Studies at the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Szczecin. His academic interest is focused on the problems connected with the formation of a democratic system in Poland, developing election processes, and the birth of local communities. In addition, he is concerned with German studies. The reviewed work is en endeavour to present the processes of birth and the following stages of the formation of voting attitudes and behaviours of local communities. It has been conducted taking into consideration the development in the former Szczecin district of political organizations, individual and collective examples of political activity, the process of election campaigns and the results of elections. The proceedings have been performed on the background of transformations and stages of democratization of public life in Poland, institutionalization of which took place as a result of another presidential, parliamentary, and local authority elections.
The reviewed position is a novelty on the publishing market in Poland. It was written as a report based on a scientific research run by Sociology of Politics Panel of the Insitute of Sociology of the University of Warsaw directed by Jacek Raciborski. The reading matter of the book concerns an analysis Jerzy Buzek and Leszek Miller cabinets, which by the fact of a complete difference between the mentioned above makes it only more reading-worthty. There should be doubt that the undertaken problem is a point of interest for political scientists and sociologists, however it does not make it any easier to study. One of the most significant problems, which authors did shed some light on, is a fact that their repsondents tend to stay silent on many cases.
Terrorism in a contemoprary world plays a vital role. It becomes more and more dangerous due to technical development and access to information on terrorist means and methods allows better communication between terrorist groups. Contemporary political terrorism characterises variety and diffi culty far more developed now then centuries ago. Terrorists are able to interfere into politics of diff erent countries, using terrorism actions to achieve particular goals. The increase of confl icts and tensions on ethics, religion, ideology or sociolology made it possible for terrorism to appear in new forms and become a solution for current global issues.
The end of Cold War left Central Europe facing rediscovered tensions, but with little training in co-operation. Bilateral, regional and sub-regional co-operation, both at the intergovernmental and trans-frontier levels for example between the BENELUX countries and between Nordic Countries, has been an integral part of the process of European integration since 1945, but it was relatively underdeveloped in Central Europe.
Michał Kosman’s book is worthy of attention not just within the context of the ongoing discussions regarding deteriorating Polish-German relations. It deserves to be read for a number of reasons, in order to verify widespread opinions on the role of Germany in European politics in the final decade of the twentieth century. The most important of these reasons are: high competence of the young researcher (affiliated with universities in Bydgoszcz and Poznań), his balanced opinions and comments formulated on the basis of German-language publications and magazine articles, and thorough factographical presentation.
Emergence of parties and party systems in Central and Eastern Europe after the fall of Communism, in comparison with the emergence of parties and party systems in Western Europe, was different in at least two ways. First, they were forming up in the time of crisis of political parties in general. Western political parties, as Martin Seymour Lipset and Stein Rokkan indicated were a result of sociolopolitical cleavages (Lipset, Rokkan 1967), which enabled them to formulate their programmes and define their electorates. However, since the late 1960’ there have been many changes, due to new socio-political context. Relations between parties and their electorates started to diminish as a result of new sociopolitical differences and the parties themselves started to look for new supporters (tried, with the help of media, to become catch all parties). Parallel to this, ideologies stopped playing the main, defining role in the process of voting for the party. But still, as Lipset claims in an article describing party systems in postcommunist Europe, parties must have steady voter alignments based on sociopolitical divisions in order to successfully take part in consecutive general elections, until then they are unstable.
The parties empowered to lodge a constitutional complaint under the Polish model are defined in Article 79(1) of the Polish Constitution, stating that: “Everyone whose constitutional freedoms or rights have been infringed, shall have the right to appeal to the Constitutional Tribunal (...). The above quoted article is considered to have the fundamental significance in the process of identification of the parties entitled to lodge a constitutional complaint, so in other words, provides a clear answer to the question who can effectively lodge such a complaint in order for the adequate proceedings to be officially opened (however – which is explainedin detail in this article – having fulfilled certain specifi ed objective conditions).
For most of September and October 2005, the Polish news media were busy covering the parliamentary and the presidential elections in that country. Beginning two weeks apart from one another, with the presidential run-off election following two weeks later, these overlapping campaigns became the most important media and political events of the year. Their conjunction was an occurrence expected to happen once in 20 years because of Poland’s five-year presidential term and a four-year parliamentary term. For the first time since 1989, the result was that the President, the upper house of the parliament (Senat) and the lower house (Sejm) of the parliament are now controlled by the same party, Law and Justice (PiS). For the first time since Solidarity swept both elections, the Polish electorate has also made a definite turn to the right, voting for a political party that supports radical change, the symbolic setting up of a Fourth Republic which will be a morally superior country in contrast to the third Republic, the independent Polish state established after the Solidarity revolution when Poland was the first country in the former Soviet Block to end communism. This essay analyzes the 2005 presidential campaign from the point of view of agenda setting theory of how political communication is framed in campaign messages, media use and media coverage.
In the first half of 2001 the US Department of State, following a request from the National Security Archive (a US non-governmental organisation), declassified documents relating to the Round Table negotiations, the presidential elections, the crisis over choice of a prime minister and the creation of government (coalition) in Poland in 1989. Those documents, highly confidential until their release, allow us to look at the most important events in the transformation in Poland from a different perspective, which has not yet been extensively analysed. In essence, they indicate the role of external factors which have influenced the political situation of Poland – the transformation and actual decomposition of communism. They include cables detailing the US embassy’s participation in, and its analysis of the events during Poland’s ‘revolution’.
While entering the transformation period, Poland started changes in economics, which was run by the state and was characterized by the lack of market equilibrium and low degree of satisfying the nation’s needs. The change of the state’s role in the economic system became the major challenge for Poland, which started transformations of the system in 1989. The ending of this major phase of transformation can be gauged not only by the degree of state’s withdrawal from the role of the owner and a manager, and replacing this role by a stable set of systemic rules, but also by introducing new market organizing institutions and the degree of nancial independence of economic entities from the domination of politics.
The formation of the global civil community causes the e acing of division into “the natives” and “the strangers” within the framework of individual states. Integration and unification processes give a new dimension to such notions as: emigration, diaspora and national identity. Emigration is more and more o en comprehended as civilization phenomenon. Its positive economic, political and cultural advantages are the focus of attention; the countries that receive emigrants very often reap the economical benefits and the emigrants themselves solve the problems of unemployment in their own countries; migrational movements, on the other hand, help solve political and social problems, make the global integration, and mixing of cultural and civilization norms easier. Emigration itself helps to achieve cultural compromises, get used to mutual dissimilarities and accept differences.
Populism became a signi! cant factor of political debates in Eastern and Western countries of the EU and a new force in European party systems in the nineties. The frame for the discussion on populism is made by the representative form of democracy and responding to it dual system of media of communication. The popularity of populist parties and movements nowadays reflects the crisis of representative democracy. It is accompanied by the growing role of media in politics, which might be seen as the result of citizens’ dissatisfaction with the existing models of intermediation. The media also play a crucial role in the process of identity creation, at the same moment they illustrate the dificulty of defining identity anew.
The European Council summit took place on 14 and 15 December 2001 in Laeken. The conference participants unanimously confirmed their readiness to close the accession negotiations before the end of 2002. In Declaration on the Future of the European Union the chiefs of states and heads of governments of the member states established the European Convention. It was also stated that the Convention’s task would be to prepare and lead a discussion on the future of the European Union and organize an Intergovernmental Conference in 2004. During the summit anagreement was reached according to which without institutional reforms the EU would not be able to fully use the enlargement profits. As Joschka Fischer adequately pointed “the enlargement process is a suitable opportunity for carrying out the reforms”.
Let us not concern ourselves with speculations whether Jerzy Giedroyć, when he founded the Literary Institute in 1947 and soon a erwards published the first issue of “Kultura”, already suspected that his two creations (especially the magazine) would play such an important role in shaping political ideas of Polish exiles and become his true magnum opus. The fact remains that in spite of its distance from the centers of Polish immigration, the government in exile, and the large Polish immigrant community, the new monthly, while still looking for new contributors and readers, and remaining in opposition to Mieczysław Grydzewski’s “Wiadomości” - which sought to cultivate pre-war traditions - quickly achieved the unquestionable status of a platform for free speech, a forum for the bold exchange of views (these often being unpopular and going against the drift of Polish public opinion in the West), and a leading channel of communication with the homeland. Even though the subtitle (Sketches. Short Stories. Reports) hinted at the editorial staff’s interest in literature, “Kultura” from day one tackled di cult geopolitical and political problems arising from the situation in post-war Europe. Its publications were characterized by topicality and realistic assessments, which can be clearly seen while studying consecutive annual sets, for example with regard to the process of European unification.
The pressure for reforms is similar in all established democracies, including Germany. This is true for all policies. Lower income caused by economic development and ageing societies is a burden on all budgets. ! is increases the pressure on political actors to speed up the decision-making process. In 2005 the grand coalition of CDU/CSU and SPD was welcomed by the German people. Many commentators assumed that the political deadlock would be overcome by the government of the two major parties. Because the second chamber (Bundesrat) is the major veto-player in the German federal system, the current CDU/CSU majority in the Bundesrat was a high hurdle for the former red-green government (1998 to 2005), as until 2006 about 80 percent of all laws had to pass the second chamber. This led to early elections. People hope that the grand coalition under Chancellor Angela Merkel will overcome this restriction, which the SPD-led government could not evade.
The model of deliberative democracy poses a number of dificult questions about individual rationality, public reason and justification, public spiritedness, and an active and supportive public sphere. It also raises the question about what kind of civic involvement is required for the practices of democratic deliberation to be effective. The aim of this article is to examine the last question by looking at the role and value of citizenship understood in terms of participation. It argues that deliberative democracy implies a category of democratic citizens; its institutional framework calls for the activity and competence of citizenry, and consequently, the participatory forms of deliberative democracy come closest to the democratic ideal as such. Also, the model of participatory-deliberative democracy is more attractive as a truly democratic ideal than the model of formal deliberative democracy, but it certainly faces more dificulties when it comes to the practicalities, and especially the institutional design. This problem is raised in the last section of the article where the possible applicability of such a model to post-communist democracies is addressed. The major dificulty that the participatory-deliberative model poses for the post-communist democratization can be explained by a reference to the cultural approach towards democratization and to the revised modernization theory presented by Inglehart and Welzel. The problem of the applicability of such a model in the post-communist context seems to support the thesis presented here which suggests that active citizenship, civic skills and civic culture are indispensable for the development of deliberative politics.
Karol Wojtyla (1920–2005), later to become Pope John Paul II (since 1978), was one of the greatest contemporary thinkers. He was a Christian philosopher and Catholic theologian. His thought exerted an in! uence on diverse generations and representatives of many cultures, religions and nations. He was an authority not only for Catholics but also for many infidels and even atheists. He often made controversies because of His firm opinions. He was an aim of liberal as well as conservative critique. The liberals criticized Him due to His uncompromising and conservative attitude to female priesthood, homosexuality, contraception and abortion. The conservatives accused Him of apologizing and conciliatory tone of His voice in relationships with other religions, especially with Jews and Muslims. Because these parts of His thought became most controversial, they were and usually are commented on and analysed by world mass media. But few people found Him a leading contemporary theoretician of civilization despite the fact that He constructed a coherent theory of civilization that is unfortunately distracted in His numerous papers. And my article is dedicated to this theory. I would like to present the core of His civilization’s conception.
Among the kinds of CB Weapons, the chemical one might be considered as the one with the longest history of widespread warfare applicability, whereas the biological one as the developed problem of the recent two centuries but also having its roots in ancient eras. The consequences of the usage of CBs are acknowledged by the international conventions dealing with the CB phenomenon. Although the provisions provide solutions and declarations of the minimised usage of CB weapons as the method of warfare and the limited laboratory testing in accordance to the sake of all mankind, the problem still exists. Nowadays, it is especially discussed after the events of 11.09.2001, which brought about the airborne attack on the the two towers of the World Trade Centre in New York and the proceeding events of the Bacillus anthracis4 intoxication spread across the United States of America.
One can hardly overestimate the meaning of freedom of speech in the European tradition. It dates back to the times of the ancient Greece, although it was only John Milton who wrote the first tract devoted to the subject in question. In his Areopagitica (1644), Milton skillfully defended the principle of a free flow of ideas by stressing out that an open and undisturbed clash of various information and opinions is a condition of discovering truth in life. The best-known and most frequently quoted fragment of Areopagitica reads: “And though all the winds of doctrine were let loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in the ! eld, we do injuriously, by licencing and prohibiting to misdoubt her strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple; who ever knew Truth put to the wors, in a free and open encounter. Her confuting is the best and surest suppressing”.
Political scientists, in their research work, concentrate on various topics. For some, thoughts and ideas of a famous statesman are fascinating and for others is the future influence of NGO’s on local communities. One thing, one time is said to have enough potential to unite attention of most of political scientists, as this is an event when they may observe how matters that they are especially interested in are apprehended. is mentioned event is, in my opinion, what elections indeed are and some may even say that elections are the festival of politics and sometimes of democracy.
Michał Kosman’s book is worth attention not just in the context of the ongoing discussions regarding deteriorating Polish-German relations. It deserves to be read for a number of reasons – in order to verify widespread opinions on the role of Germany in European politics in the final decade of the twentieth century. The most important of these reasons are: high competence of the young researcher (affiliated with universities in Bydgoszcz and Poznań), his balanced opinions and comments formulated on the basis of Germanlanguage publications and magazine articles, and thorough factographical presentation.
After the Second World War European countries experienced a period of stability in terms of international situation. Governments of war-damaged states undertook reconstruction of devastated cities and national economies. Considerable war damage caused by War World II resulted in the onset of a period of counteracting possible international disputes. The establishment of the UN as well as NATO initiated the process of resolving conflicts in a diplomatic way and with the use of force of the UN.
A serious disease of the contemporary world is a state of “the loss of being”. We started to see redundance of metaphysics as a result of reduction of reality to a physical dimension that had been made by positivism. There was no place for scientific discipline which subject had undergone destruction. Being was reduced to objects, to objectivity, to things which only appear to man. “is way we have lost the being, only objects have stayed, things which surrounded us (…) e true existence is confront with material existence.” The same vision of contemporary situation can be found among representatives of the “end of philosophy” discourse such as J.-F. Lyotard, G. Vattimo, O. Marquardt, R. Rorty, P. Laslett.
The world unrivaled position of the United States, a country which determines many aspects of global policy, attracts a lot of interest as regards underlying objectives for US decisions in the field of external relations. The consequence with which the US acts on the international arena raises questions concerning objectives of the US activity and goals they would like to achieve. e American foreign policy provides basis for establishing national foreign policies for several countries, including Poland. us, interest is growing concerning the policy, as well as its nature, directions and priorities.
The most important task of contemporary science is to serve humanity. It seems that technology develops in two different ways. On the one hand technology does everything to make human’s life carefree, easy and safe. But on the other scientists do their best to solve most pressing problems so that people could once and for all forget about troubles like AIDS, cancer or Alzheimer’s disease. Until tody technical progress was followed by the progress of the humanity but it seems that contemporary hi-technology left behind moral reflections of people. Michael Sandel’s book e Case against Perfection: Ethics in the Age of Genetic Engineering is a moral reflection on those problems accompanied by technological changes. It is an attempt to establish a border that cannot be crossed – on its one side human being is still a human being but on the other one it is just an artifi- cially stimulated machine.
The dictatorship of military junta inicted on the Argentinian society many injures, which have been painful till today. ousands of people were followed, kidnapped, tortured, killed, and children of arrested pregnant women were captured and given to adoption. After lost Falklands-Malvinas War and the decline of bloody regime, victims’families began long way of exposuring the truth about crimes commited by the servicemen, and politicians confronted difficult task (or challenge), which was the reconciliation of society.
In 1933, twelve years aer his Manhood and Humanity came out, Alfred Korzybski (1879-1950), a Polish aristocrat who arrived in the United States during World War I, published his most famous book called Science and Sanity. A former Russian intelligence o!cer, earlier trained as a chemical engineer at the Polytechnic Institute in Warsaw, Korzybski had a broad-ranging intellectual background, which he employed to work out his theory of general semantics. It is beyond doubt that the theory under discussion can help journalists depict the reality of the world in its multidimensional complexity – and thus make their performance more professional.
The Lithuanian historiography is not a novelty in Polish academic literature. The attempts undertaken many times by historians to examine the Lithuanian past are fully justied by the common history of the Polish and Lithuanian lands. It is worth stressing that there are still many controversial questions in this area, which have not been answered in both Lithuanian and Polish academic circles. Taking into account the basic facts from Lithuanian history in the 20th century, when Lithuanians undertook the first actions towards developing a state which would be offcially recognized by the international community, it should not be surprising that it is a subject frequently discussed by the newest studies, which continually refer to the equally rich literature of the earlier period. The researchers ascribe considerable signi!cance to the circumstances, in which the independent Lithuanian state came into being and to its functioning in the interwar period, in years 1918–1940 . What also had a strong influence on this process were the following events in the history of the state, when Lithuania was in the end incorporated into the Soviet Union.
The European Union increasingly inuences the member states, their political institutions, business groups, commercial business sector and the citizens. The institutions, politics and legal regulations of the Communities inuence also countries and human beings from outside the Union. is inuence means that each member state of the European Union has its own representative in the European Institutions such as European Parliament, European Commission, the Court of Justice and the Court of Auditors.
The following article will attempt to present characteristics of religious fundamentalism. The task requires addressing terminological and methodological issues, which seem to constitute the weakest link in the overall research of the phenomenon. Even a cursory analysis of the available data points to the fact, that comparative studies are in minority, while an overwhelming majority of all research focuses on particular instances of fundamentalism, most commonly within one specic religion. ree preliminary observations can be made. Firstly, usually the case is that of either methodological maximalism or minimalism. The work edited by Martin E. Marty and R. Scott Appleby Fundamentalisms Observed, signicant as it was, can serve as a valid example of maximalist approach. The phenomenon discussed therein is viewed in the broad perspective, thus it becomes almost synonymous to traditionalism, nationalism, orthodoxy or communalism.
In this paper, the issues concerning the relationship between political marketing and commercial marketing are presented. The main concern of the study is the usage of the commercial economic marketing categories in the political domain. As a result, phenomena coming from the economic field as market; a customer, profit, product brand, or advertising are presented as the elements of the marketing techniques employed in the public game played in the specific market of politics.
The aim of this essay is to provide a theoretically satisfactory denition of communitarianism, a denition which would be theoretically prolic and so fully substantial that it would allow to distinguish communitarianism from the other philosophical streams; and it would give us an answer as to why a given idea or thinker is categorized as communitarian. e essence of this goal is to show a rationally justied method of constructing the denition of communitarianism is aim will be achieved in three steps: 1. Showing that communitarianism related research has not been able to provide a theoretically satisfactory denition of the philosophy; 2. Identifying the causes of this theoretical failure; 3. Formulating a rational method for constructing the theoretically satisfactory denition of communitarianism.
In this article the author is going to answer the question, that intrigues many researchers of international relations and political science – is it possible to build a grand theory explaining actions and behaviours of political, and international, entities? International relations are distinguished from other disciplines of science by its special character: they are polyarchic, plural, complex and impulsive. This is why we find here, exceptional in contrary to other, more mature disciplines, diversity of opinions and answers to the question – in what way international relations shall be build? Searching for the right answer the researchers of international relations have to cross borders of many disciplines, also using research methods of sociologists, historians, economists, lawyers, psychologists and anthropologists. There is a similar problem with political science, as the political matter is widely interpreted and, depending on the researcher and the analysed political system, its scope is wide as when using so called largo sense in the totalitarian states, where even the choice of school for a child has a political character or as when using so called strict sense in the democratic systems.
The main field of my study concerns the role of the Supreme Court in American legal and political system. My research frequently focuses on the case law, especially on some of the most important cases in the Court’s history, and on their in#uence on the whole of political, economic, and social relations of the country. I personally believe that American federal judges – among whom the most in#uential are the Justices of the Supreme Court – have gained more power than the Framers of the Constitution agreed to give them. Such situation occurred mostly because of the creation of the power of judicial review by the Supreme Court, which allowed the judiciary to determine the contitutionality of acts created by the other branches of government.
The international order, denoting in a very general sense the manner of the organization and functioning of the international environment in a given period of time, is a dynamic construction that evolves. e feature of the present stage is a transition from its earlier form called the Westphalian order to the future form with qualitatively new features, sometimes called the post-Westphalian order. This process does however mean that the “parameters” of the Westphalian international order are to be replaced by the parameters of the post-Westphalian order. The qualitatively new features of the organization and functioning of the international environment “coexist” with those characteristic of the Westphalian system of international relations. This “coexistence” determines the distinctive feature of the present stage of international relations, which is a hybridity or combining of solutions, o!en opposing in their logic, relating to the organization and functioning of the international environment. Hence it seems appropriate to term the present stage of dynamics of and change in international relations as the late Westphalian order.
European Union is nowadays facing one of its biggest challenges and opportunities since its foundation. An answer, which will be sent to Turkey, will bring overwhelming repercussions in wide and large Muslim world. e far-sight approach of European Council can open new stage in evolution of European identity. The European Union’s aim is a safe, secure and wealthy continent, capable to peacefully cooperate with other states.
A characteristic feature of a modern state is dichotomy of its development. On one hand, it is striving a!er unification and universality of social, political and economic solutions aiming to integrate the world, but on the other, there is a growth of tendencies disintegrating a country, development of localness, aspiring to give local communities high level of independence and self-deciding powers, that is: the reverse of massive society. The phenomena connected with unification and aspirations for preserving local identity are complementary and complement one another. The globalization of world-wide system does not mean its inner homogeneity. The world is perceived as an internally diverse reality.
The success of democracy depends on the formation of the social capital conducive to the maintenance of democratic patterns of behavior. Civic education is the most important instrument of the formation of such social capital and is, therefore, an essential responsibility of the democratic state. The concept of social capital, introduced in the social science theory by such authors as Pierre Bourdieu (1984) and James Coleman (1988), implies that the quality of democracy depends on the relations between citizens, particularly on the acceptance of such values as trust in others and willingness to accept them as equals. Consequently, the way in which human rights are perceived in a society has profound importance for the quality of political life and constitutes the crucial component of democratic political culture.
Identity as a theoretical concept in social sciences has evolved from a status of derivative importance into an essential and autonomous notion performing at present an important role that explains some processes of the contemporary world. According to Renata Dopierała, generally identity can be defined as a reflective attitude of an individual to himself, created by the necessity of self-characteristic building a system of ideas, opinions, convictions, etc., that corresponds with the given social context. However, the answer to the question: What is identity?, is not so obvious as some can expect. The relationship between identity, interests, preferences, and loyalty is also not so clear. Shortly speaking, identity can be also perceived as a self-conception rooted in the society, our attitude and relation to others. Its integral parts are two main components: individual and social.
The Baltic Sea Region was the first multi-country region in the world to adopt common goals and actions for sustainable development. The instrument for that cooperation is Baltic 21 (formally “An Agenda 21 for the Baltic Sea Region”). There are two de"nitions of sustainable development (SD): technical and nontechnical. Technical definition: “a sound balance among the interactions of the impacts (positive and/or negative), or stresses, on the four major quality systems: People, Economic Development, Environment and Availability of Resources”. The non-technical definition was given as being: “a sound balance among the interactions designed to create a healthy economic growth, preserve environmental quality, make wise use of our resources, and enhance social benefits” [Global Community Assessment Centre].
Russian President is both a political institution of key importance and a distinctive individual of a specic manner of behaviour in his authoritarian rules. In this article I would like to present the role of the President in society with reference to historical heritage and the modern political culture of Russian society. Taking into consideration the fact that public opinion and the media, in conditions of democracy or democratization, constitute basic social mechanism that forms bases and formulas of legitimacy, I have decided that it is merge to join the issues into one. It is the President that I aim my examination at, not the Russian media themselves, the history of their development aer 1991, or their ownership structure that governs them. e media will be of interest as long as they are necessary to understand how the President legitimizes his powers, to what extent he is successful, and what scope of success or failure depends on in the legitimacy eorts.
According to he author of this article, Prof. Miao Huashou – from the Euro-Asian Social Development Research Institute and from the Development Research Center of the PRCh State Council, Russian diplomacy may boast of many great successes in 2006. Russia once again creates its image of a great empire by demonstrating its geopolitical and economic inuences. e country underlines this way its position of an empire equal to the USA. It will continue to strengthen its inuences in the Commonwealth of Independent States and undertake all the eorts aiming to development of strategic partnership with the EU on equal rules. It will also develop its contacts with the USA, as well as it will continue political dialogue and economic cooperation with other, great world powers.
The meaning of dialogue can differ. In a very narrow sense it is defined as a reciprocal conversation between two or more persons. However from scientific point of view it should be first of all understood as an universal value, one of the most important premises for social actions. Dialogue should be than seen either as a form of bilateral or multilateral relations on global or regional scale or as a method of reaching political decisions inside the political system, functioning as a stabilizing factor. A constructive dialogue is constituted by three basic rules: rule of mutual understanding; rule of mutual respect; rule of integrity of each side’s convictions and behavior. Coexistence of these aspects creates practical mechanisms for solving problems of human condition, civilization threats and social and cultural conflicts in a globalized world.
Protes Parties in Western Europe. Analysis of Political Relevance by Bartłomiej Michalak is a book that deserves attention of wide range of readers, who are willing to deepen their knowledge concerning transformations of contemporary party systems. It is political parties that since nearly two centuries are a phenomenon of European political life. In other parts of the world they bring attention of not only researchers, but also of constantly growing social groups. Today, political life of any society is hard imaginable without parties, its coalitions, contentions and conflicts as well as almost constant presence of parties’ leaders and activists in everyday life of millions of citizens of big metropolis and distant provinces.
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