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Author: Michał Krotoszyński
E-mail 1: michal.krotoszynski@amu.edu.pl
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 9–22
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017201
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017201.pdf

Abstract:

As an interdisciplinary field of scholarship, transitional justice is still in its pre-theoretical stage, focusing mainly on the case and comparative studies, supported by general considerations concerning justice in the times of transition. To entrench the field as a distinct area of studies, a theory of transitional justice needs to be formulated. The article explores the possibility of making a step towards such a theoretical basis with the use of the tools of analytical philosophy, methodology and legal theory. First, drawing on Leszek Nowak’s procedure of idealisation, three basic models of responses to a painful past are formulated. Then, distinct transitional justice values are attributed to each of the models. Finally, with the use of Jerzy Kmita’s concept of humanistic interpretation, the article seeks to conceptualize the way in which these values – among other factors, such as the need to uphold the rule of law or to preserve the stability of a democratic system – influence the choice of a model of transitional justice response. Thus, the aim of the presented models – which I described in more detail elsewhere (Krotoszyński 2017) – is to provide a sound theoretical basis for some of the fundamental claims formulated in the field of transitional justice.

Tags: transitional justice analytic philosophy models idealisation

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Author: Joanna Kulska
E-mail 1: jkulska@uni.opole.pl
Institution: University of Opole (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 23–35
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017202
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017202.pdf

Abstract:

Recognition that societies will not be able to build a future as long as they do not face the ‘demons of the past’ has become a kind of universal truth over the last decades of the 20th Century (Gibney et al., 2008, p. 1). This view, though challenging and ambiguous, is reflected in the globally present attempts to improve or rebuild relations within and between different communities at the domestic and international level. The question concerning, on the one hand, the essence and most essential elements and, on the other hand, the instruments and the limitations of rebuilding relations, as well as the political implications of those processes have become the broad area of interest and the discourse leading to significantly different ideas and solutions. The article aims at presenting different approaches referring to dealing with the conflicted and traumatized past both at the domestic and international level. Some selected instruments and methods which enable movement from a divided past towards a common future are discussed namely the strategy of engagement with the past versus the strategy of avoidance of the past. The special attention is paid to the notion of reconciliation understood as a process of rebuilding of relations through the multi-dimensional transformation of former adversaries after the period of violence and repression.

Tags: trauma truth forgetting reconciliation memory identity transformation

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Author: Tomasz Lachowski
E-mail 1: tlachowski@wpia.uni.lodz.pl
Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 36–54
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017203
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017203.pdf

Abstract:

The main aim of the paper is to analyse the potential transitional justice mechanisms, directed at reintegration of Donbas, a territory temporarily occupied by pro-Russian separatists, being under the combination of a direct and indirect control of Kremlin, with Ukraine. In the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity and a remove of ex-President Viktor Yanukovych as a consequence of Euromaidan protests held in Kyiv, in the Winter 2013/14, Ukraine became a state involved in the international armed conflict covering its Eastern provinces as a result of an external aggression of the Russian Federation. Furthermore, since early-2014, Moscow is continuously using pro-Russian militants to form and uphold unrecognised, de facto regimes of the so-called ‘Donetsk’ and ‘Luhansk People’s Republic(s)’ affecting the territorial integrity of the Ukrainian state. It is argued that Kyiv shall take into consideration some of the peace and restoration models applied in similar conflict or post-conflict environments, such as the United Nations Transitional Administration for Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Sirmium (UNTAES) or the experience of numerous disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration (DDR) programs, filled with the transitional justice component. Moreover, by emphasising the context of a military (semifrozen) conflict in Eastern Ukraine, the paper is going to shed more light on the possible application of transitional justice tool-kit in the ongoing conflicts scenarios and its potential contribution to the shift from a conflict to the postwar environment.

Tags: transitional justice Ukraine reintegration of Donbas ongoing armed conflict post-war reconstruction

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Author: Agnieszka Szpak
E-mail 1: aszpak@umk.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 55–70
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017204
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017204.pdf

Abstract:

Transitional justice is resorted to within the framework of transition from armed conflict to peace and from authoritarian regimes to the democratic ones. To reach the aims of transitional justice and to better integrate the needs and perspectives of the indigenous peoples that very often are victims of serious human rights violations in the transitional context, as well as the colonisation context, indigenous instruments of justice may be utilised. As such they may be treated as complementary to other transitional justice mechanisms. The article aims to find a new perspective on the complementary role of the indigenous justice and the State justice systems within the framework of transitional justice as well as to take into account the indigenous peoples’ needs and customs. The overall aim of the paper is to answer the question whether it is desirable for such indigenous justice instruments to complement the State justice systems through a better integration of the needs and customs of indigenous peoples. In the concluding remarks, a model of complementarity model of transitional justice that includes indigenous instruments will be proposed.

Tags: transitional justice indigenous justice traditional justice mato oput bashingantahe councils Navajos’ naat’aani

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Author: Jakub Gortat
E-mail 1: jakubortat@uni.lodz.pl
Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 71–84
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017205
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017205.pdf

Abstract:

Germany is an example of a country which has been implementing transitional justice for decades and is still active in this field. What is more, contemporary Germans have recently come to terms with their not-so-distant past and their negligence in this area by showing the falsehood, backwardness, and injustice as negative foundations of the young Federal Republic. This article evokes the person of Fritz Bauer, the prosecutor in the state of Hessen. His struggle for human dignity and the memory of his achievements after his death exemplify an accomplished case of transitional justice and the memory of it. During his lifetime he contributed to bringing to trial numerous Nazi criminals, even at the cost of habitual threats and disregard. Forgotten for a few decades, Bauer and his legacy have been recently rediscovered and studied. Eventually, Bauer became a movie character and was finally brought back to the collective memory of Germans. The belated, but a well-deserved wave of popularity of Fritz Bauer in the German culture memory proves that reflections on the transitional justice are still topical and important.

Tags: transitional justice collective memory cultural memory Nazi crimes Fritz Bauer coming to terms with the past Auschiwtz Trial

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Author: Renata Podgórzańska
E-mail 1: renata.podgorzanska@wp.pl
Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 87–104
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017206
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017206.pdf

Abstract:

Nowadays, the common denominator of involvement of the EastCentral Europe in the international arena, and above all, the premise determining community of interest expressed in the European Union is the migration crisis. Despite the different circumstances of activity in the context of the migration crisis, states in the region express similar opinions on the consequences of immigration for security in the region. Above all, they emphasise the implications of immigration for the internal security of states. Given the complex nature of migration, this article focuses on the phenomenon of immigration in the EU, determining the causes of the escalation of the influx of immigrants and, above all, identifying the consequences for the security of states of East-Central Europe.

Tags: migration crisis migration the Visegrad Group the European Union East-Central Europe

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Author: Karolina Wojtasik
E-mail 1: karolina.wojtasik@us.edu.pl
Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 105–117
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017207
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017207.pdf

Abstract:

The article gives general characterisation of the ways in which these organizations use modern communication technologies. Currently, every major terrorist organisation maintain robust media wings, which focus on producing videos, publishing magazines and sharing them with the public via the Web. The empirical system of reference is based on the activity of al-Qaeda, her franchise AQAP (al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula) and ISIS (the so-called Islamic State). While analysing the media of terrorist organisations, the Lasswell model was applied. This formula is a standard research procedure used for investigating acts of communication by answering the questions: who, says what, in which channel, to whom, with what effect?. The author also present typology of videos produced by jihadist organisations, characterised the most important and active media actions of terrorist organisations and a typology of recipients of such messages. The article presents a number of reasons why the Internet has become such an important tool for terrorists.

Tags: ISIS al-Qaeda AQAP terrorist propaganda terrorist media Cyber Terrorism

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Author: Jarosław Piątek
E-mail 1: tankpanc@wp.pl
Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 118–131
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017208
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017208.pdf

Abstract:

Privatisation of security did not appear in the process of revolution. Under conditions of deepening international relations, as well as integration and globalisation processes, security of the state, as well as other entities, is subject to a number of dependencies. The article casts some doubt on how much states are prepared to take such actions, while not losing the attribute of monopoly on violence. Moreover, the article presents doubts about the ranks of modern armed forces. Private Military Firms (PMFs) are new actors the actions of which affect the security. The contemporary image of the PMF functioning is a phenomenon on a global scale. In the twenty-first century, small businesses can have a huge impact on the reality and international affairs. Leaving military firms without state control proves that they do not understand the dynamics, range, risks and challenges posed by cooperation with entities that are allowed to use force. Furthermore, despite devastating consequences that occurred during the state stabilisation operations, these firms continued to outsource services to contractors, while not creating any legal control over them.

Tags: state armed forces outsourcing Private Military Firms privatisation of security

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Author: Zdzisław W. Puślecki
E-mail 1: zdzislaw.puslecki@amu.edu.pl.
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 135–149
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017209
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017209.pdf

Abstract:

In this research work, Author focus on the current analysis trends in foreign trade theory and policy. Accordance with the foreign trade policy theory further trade liberalisation and improved framework policies would increase trade and promote growth. It must be emphasized that openness to trade is associated with higher incomes and growth and there is the need for new approaches to trade cooperation in light of the forces that are currently re-shaping international business. What indicates the importance and innovativeness of the research is the presentation of the new models of the foreign trade policy and trade interests. First of all, it must underline that in the new theoretical terms in demand for trade policy very important is factor specificity. The low specificity of factors means that factor returns are equalized throughout a region’s economy. On the other hand, some factors are stuck in their present uses; therefore, factor returns are not equalized throughout a region’s economy but are industry specific. The main objective of the research task is to give a comprehensive analysis of current trends in foreign trade theory and policy and in particular models of foreign trade policy, trade interests indicated by export orientation and import sensitivity, foreign trade policy in different types of authoritarian regimes, protectionist pressures in different political system, the level of protectionist pressures, the tendencies to bilateralism in the foreign trade policy. It should be stressed that free trade in itself is not responsible for economic growth, but more significant are the determining macroeconomic stability and increasing investment.

Tags: bilateralism authoritarian regimes protectionism liberalism public choice foreign trade policy

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Author: Michał Lubina
E-mail 1: michal.lubina@uj.edu.pl
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 150–171
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017210
PDF: ppsy/46-2/ppsy2017210.pdf

Abstract:

In 2017 statistics showed that Chinese Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) in Poland for 2016 amounted to a more than half of all Chinese FDI in Poland for the 2000–2016. Yet the overall amount of Chinese FDI remains modest in comparison with Western Europe or even with Hungary. Despite much proclaimed Sino-Polish rapprochement in 2015–2016 and high hopes for OBOR/BRI initiative in Poland, cooperation with China has not been a breakthrough for Poland in terms of economic results. There have not been ground-breaking Sino-Polish projects and Polish government’s desire to strengthen ties with China loosened in late 2016/early 2017 (though it may revive now).There are several reasons for that, from the perception of Poland as non-attractive for majority Chinese investments, via lack of overall Polish strategy of attracting these investors to discrepancies of economic interests between Poland and China.

Tags: Sino-Polish relations the Politics of Chinese FDI Chinese FDI in Poland Chinese FDI

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