Author: The Editors
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 3-4
DOI Address: -
PDF: apsp/56/apsp56toc.pdf

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

table of contents

Author: Jarosław Macała
Institution: University of Zielona Góra
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 7-20
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.01
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5601.pdf

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This article is concerned with the research on Polish geopolitical codes following 1989. The problem has not yet been the subject of broader scientific studies or publications. In this aspect, the research is of particular importance for the analysis of foreign policy of Poland, which had to redefine its place in Europe and to fundamentally rebuild external relations, that is also to define the new geopolitical codes. The code system used in this text is based on Colin Flint’s definition, with the key division into allies and enemies. Based on the analysis of discourse, it can be stated that the most important allies of Poland in these codes are the USA, the European Union, Germany, and the enemy is Russia. In general, the fundamental change of Poland’s geopolitical codes following 1989 – from the east side to the west – can quite easily be seen in the electoral programs: the enemies of the People’s Republic of Poland’s period became allies, and the forced ally became an enemy. However, their concretization is generally not original and rather schematic. The Polish geopolitical codes have been exerted with strong influences of the hegemonic geopolitical codes of the West, mainly those of the United States. On the other hand, the last geopolitical code, the attempt to explain to the public the geopolitical imaginations of our elites, has been the weakest. This largely confirms the authoritarian dimension of Polish top-down transformation as well as the dominance of the elites over the society.

programy wyborcze polskie partie polityczne polskie kody geopolityczne geopolityka krytyczna geopolityka election programs Polish political parties Polish geopolitical codes critical geopolitics geopolitics

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Author: Arkadiusz Lewandowski
Institution: The State University of Applied Sciences in Płock
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 21-35
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.02
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5602.pdf

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The present paper raises the issue of cultural security in the programme-related ideas conceived by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (hereinafter referred to as the Law and Justice or – to use an abbreviated term – PiS) in 21st century. In the present paper, the issues related to national identity and national culture were scrutinized, the former and the latter being two constituents of cultural security of the state.
Political programmes of the Law and Justice specified mainly the dangers to national identity in the context of European integration and of striving for the unification of European culture. On the other hand, in the realm of national culture, what was noticed was the phenomenon of neglecting the said issue and not considering it important from the point of view of security of the state.

Prawo i Sprawiedliwość polityka historyczna bezpieczeństwo kulturowe security of the state cultural security polskie partie polityczne Polish political parties bezpieczeństwo państwa politics of memory Law and Justice

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Author: Łukasz Jakubiak
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Cracow
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 36-53
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.03
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5603.pdf

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The paper is devoted to the role of the French Senate (under the constitution of the Fifth Republic) as an organ that can remain a tool in the hands of opposition to the government. It has been pointed out that in the French formula of the semi-presidential system, which was created as a result of the rationalisation of a parliamentary model, bicameralism may be the field of special expansion of the executive which aims at the effective implementation of its own legislative activities. The author argues that this has a particularly negative impact on the status of the parliamentary opposition. This is the case even when the opposition has a majority in the Senate. The French second chamber, although the body is relatively strong, can be neutralised in legislative proceedings designed to implement the government’s programme. The author analyses the problem of marginalising the parliamentary opposition in relation to the two major political arrangements of the Fifth Republic: the so-called majority effect (the executive branch is politically homogeneous) and cohabitation (the executive branch is politically divided).

Senate

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Author: Joanna Marszałek-Kawa
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 54-74
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.04
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5604.pdf

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Polish politicians of different political options, especially while proposing new reforms, declare that citizens should have a say in many issues under discussion. In reality, however, instruments of direct democracy stipulated by the Polish constitution (The Constitution of the Republic of Poland, 1997) and laws are not frequently applied (see: people’s initiative, social consultations), both due to Polish people’s low degree of public activity and because of the lack of parliamentary customs and the authorities’ accompanying lack of willingness to work out new solutions by way of serious debate and considering the society’s ambitions and expectations, also those representing positions others than those of the government majority.
The aim of this paper is to discuss the institution of a referendum in Poland and to present the approach of the Polish political class to the institution of a nationwide referendum using the example of the referendum of 6 September 2015. We also discuss the history of this institution in Poland and address the issue of its legal foundations, as well as present arguments of the followers and opponents of this form of direct democracy. It is also necessary to analyse the motives behind the initiating entity’s decision concerning the organisation of a nationwide referendum from a broader perspective and to evaluate its implications in the sphere of politics.

prawa obywatelskie electoral campaign citizen rights kampania wyborcza system polityczny referendum political system

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Author: Elżbieta Kużelewska
Institution: University of Białystok
Author: Bogusia Puchalska
Institution: University of Central Lancashire in Preston
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 77-96
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.05
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5605.pdf

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EEC/EU membership has been one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last 45 years. The 1975 referendum confirmed the UK’s will to stay in the EEC, but it failed to put to rest the argument over Europe. The 2016 referendum took Britain into the opposite direction, but it also reinstated the issue of the EU to the prime slot in British politics, where it is going to stay for the many years needed to settle the new relationship with the EU. The main drivers behind both referenda were the power struggle between the main parties and the gradual entrenchment of Euroscepticism as the dominating standpoint in British right-wing politics. The substantive concerns with EEC/ EU membership were merely a backdrop to the partisan battles leading to both referenda, but the crucial differentiating factor in 2016 was the Conservative perception of the threat posed by UKIP. The Eurozone crisis and austerity policies at home added to the potent mix of disillusion among the voters, who became receptive to promises of return to past glories of the UK freed from the shackles of Brussels.

eurosceptycyzm David Cameron Euroscepticism voting głosowanie partie polityczne Brexit referendum political parties

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Author: Stanisław Juszczyk
Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
Author: Yong Deog Kim
Institution: Hankuk University of Foreign Studies in Seoul
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 97-110
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.06
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5606.pdf

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Socrates and Confucius constitute roots of western and eastern civilization respectively and represent very different cultural values and educational traditions. Both of the philosophers lived around 4 – 5th century B.C.E., but there were huge differences in the social and cultural environments in which they lived. Different cultural and social factors in ancient Greece and China led to differences in Socratic and Confucian approaches to learning. Their educational philosophies have been discussed on the base of the aim of education, the content of education, the teaching process, and the nature of the contemporary education. The method used in the described study is hermeneutics, or interpretation of the literary (here scientific) texts, thus the study is cross-cultural in nature and concerns the features of the contemporary education in both cultures.

kraje azjatyckie kraje zachodnie uczenie się Konfucjusz Sokrates Asian countries Western countries Confucius Socrates edukacja kultura culture Education

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Author: Ostap Kushnir
Institution: Lazarski University
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 111-135
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.07
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5607.pdf

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The annexation of Crimea is not an ordinary event in contemporary international relations. Since WWII, there has been no precedent in Europe when one state under dubious premises has forcefully annexed a part of another state. This article scrutinizes the Crimean case in the context of the ongoing Ukrainian crisis and uncovers the rationale behind Russia’s aggressive policies in the Black Sea Region. To accomplish this task, several steps have been undertaken. Primarily, the recent speeches of Russian officials and Kremlin-originated documents have been analyzed. Secondly, the tactics favored by the Kremlin to achieve its geopolitical goals have been explained and assessed (through applying frameworks of meta-geography and soft power security). Thirdly, the future prospects for Crimea with its gradual transformation in the counter- NATO fortress have been outlined.

meta-geografia rosyjska polityka zagraniczna rosyjska geopolityka region Morza Czarnego kryzys ukraiński metageography Crimean annexation Russian geopolitics Black Sea Region Ukrainian crisis geopolityka krytyczna critical geopolitics aneksja Krymu Russian foreign policy

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Author: Marek Rewizorski
Institution: University of Gdańsk
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 136-154
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.08
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5608.pdf

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Being perceived by the West as a powerful yet heterogeneous “deconstructing power” and an external threat to western supremacy in global governance, the BRICS members are facing a serious “dormant threat” coming from within – economic inequalities. By asking whether inequality, like “bad cholesterol”, may silently kill the sustainability of growth by restraining access to education, health or knowledge, this article provides an assessment of the relation between the increasing inequality and rising political instability in BRICS countries. The first section of this article investigates various approaches to income and wealth inequalities, and provides a literature overview. The second section accentuates the deconstructing features of inequality in BRICS countries, which are encapsulated as the “3Ws”: weak markets, weak governments, and weak institutions. The third section looks into the inequality dynamics in BRICS members showcasing that the huge income disparities in BRICS (GINI > 0.40), combined with high food and house prices, not only fuel opportunity inequalities and growing social anger, but also lead to political instability and setbacks on the path to balanced growth. The final part presents the main conclusions.

wzrost instytucje stabilność polityczna nierówności ekonomiczne growth institutions political stability economic inequalities BRICS

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Author: Marina Samsonova
Institution: University of Warsaw
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 155-162
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.09
PDF: apsp/56/apsp5609.pdf

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The article tackles the issue of measurement and evaluation of the effectiveness of public diplomacy instruments, such as strategies. The author suggests applying the approach based on the phenomenon of attraction. The evaluation of quality of public diplomacy is presented as the evaluation of influence of capabilities of public diplomacy instruments, and their certain set (aggregate) in subjective and functional strategies of public diplomacy. The article also argues a state that the more public diplomacy instruments meet the conditions of successful attraction and affiliation, the more likely they would be attractive to the population of a host country and would provide an involvement effect.

instrumenty oceny zjawisko atrakcyjności strategie dyplomacji publicznej dyplomacja publiczna evaluation instruments phenomenon of attraction public diplomacy strategies public diplomacy

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