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Author: Jerzy Jaskiernia
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 15-33
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011101
PDF: npw/01/npw2011101.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Council of Europe, founded in 1949, is one of the most important international organizations. In its axiology it emphasises democracy, rule of law and protection of human rights. Its “pearl in the crown” is the European Convention on Human Rights. Until 1989 the Council of Europe was a “democratic club of Western European democratic countries.” Since political breakthrough in 1989 the Council has been open to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. This changed the face of the “elite club”, carrying the risk of lowering standards. At the same time it also opened new ways for action for the Council of Europe, which highly determines contemporary sense of the organization. Central and Eastern European countries which were striving for the membership had to meet the threshold requirements, including a form of free elections and the willingness to sign and ratify the European Convention on Human Rights (in the phase of the accession procedure), and also to make substantial modifications to the political system after becoming the Council of Europe member (controlled under a monitoring procedure). They concerned the legislative, executive and judiciary authorities as well as the local government. The main constitutional solutions were consulted with the Venice Commission which acts within the structure of the Council of Europe and brings together the leading experts on constitutional issues. The Council of Europe also gave assistance to tchem in democratic know how. Sustainability of a monitoring procedure in respect to some countries (including Russia, Ukraine, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) indicates that the completion of the Council of Europe standards requires not only political will, changes in political culture and legal societies, determination in the implementation of political reforms but also significant financial resources. One of the reasons of meeting the requirements was paving the way for these countries to membership in the European Union.

Today the political dimension of opening the Council of Europe to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe is associated with the prominence of the fact that the process of European integration is not to be restricted to the framework of the European Union and not to build a new “fortress” on the River Bug. Therefore, countries of that region, especially outside the EU have an interest in the Council of Europe prestige not to weaken, and that participation in it will bring hope in further deepening of European integration.

Author: Artur Kuzniecow
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 34-41
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011102
PDF: npw/01/npw2011102.pdf

Streszczenie:

The issue of sovereignty in the modern world, particularly in the EU, is a current matter and in some cases significant (for example military and political issues) decisive.

Poland – the geopolitical giant in the 16th and 17th centuries, in 1795 it disappeared from the map of Europe for 123 years. The country was reborn in 1918 and today it acts as a stable geopolitical entity. It is the sixth country in Europe in terms of geopolitical focus of the main parameters: territory, population and GDP. Poland is of a great importance for the fate of the United Europe. One of the important myths for the Polish ethos is called Jagiellonian idea, manifested amongst other things in the Eastern Partnership initiative and the concept of “soft power”. The EU is becoming an increasingly significant “soft power” in the world. Regardless of the serious events in the Arab world, it can be said that the whole world democratizes rapidly in the spirit of soft power. Polish successes in this area are very significant and Poland is gaining new resources of attractiveness. It is becoming a more secure and comfortable place in

Europe.

Poland has achieved significant results prior to its presidency of the EU, These include primarily: significant improvement in relations with its neighbours – Russia and Germany and the Eastern Partnership initiative which now takes on a special significance. Moreover, not rushing into joining the euro zone, Poland wants to participate in the EuroClub decision-making. Poland wants to prevent the development of two-speed Europe.

Author: Alicja Stępień-Kuczyńska
Author: Michał Słowikowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 42-67
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011103
PDF: npw/01/npw2011103.pdf

Streszczenie:

Main aim of this article was an attempt to better understand internal Russian discourse concerning modernization of Russian statehood and its prospective consequences for strengthening relation with European Union. Debate on Russian– UE future relations takes on new importance on the background of Dmitri Medvedev’s declaration about need to establish pro-modernize network system with most developed countries of West Europe and European Union. Authors assume that unusual, unfavorable conditions from perspective of Russian economy and society development partly caused by global financial crisis, make new opening in relation with European Union more probably than ever before. High possibility of such scenario can be attributed also to the following facts: Russia has gained new president that is more liberal and western-oriented than his predecessor and current prime-minister Vladimir Putin, Russian intellectual elites are almost unanimously as far as thesis the need for external resources to make Russian modernization possible is concerned. On the other hand there are many arguments that support opposite scenario – there will be no significant improvement in Russia-EU relations, because there will be no western-style modernization (based on European values and standards), modernization will be restricted to scientific and technological fields, that means we should not expect in foreseeable future democratization Russian political system and changes in Russian foreign policy as well. Partially high probable relinquishment of western-style modernization in Russia can be attributed to the fact that Russian society is anxious about West, its values and even more its intentions toward Russia.

Author: Igor Żukowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 68-75
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011104
PDF: npw/01/npw2011104.pdf

Streszczenie:

Baltic Sea region is a zone of strategic interests for the Russian Federation, in which, however, a set of possible tools for implementing the interests of the state is significantly limited. This limitation determines the nature of the balance of interests formed in the Baltic region: it is obvious that the paradigm of strength in the foreign policy of every player in this region is neither efficient nor perspective. At today’s stage, Poland is one of the most important participants in the international processes in the Baltic region and Central and Eastern Europe. It provides a fairly effective implementation of its foreign policy interests within the institutions of the Euro-Atlantic bloc, and – less effectively – in relations with other countries in the Eastern European region, which do not belong to this bloc. Russian foreign policy is subordinated to the tasks of creating conditions for modernization and pre-emptive internal development and reconstruction of the greatpower status in the global context.

It is obvious that today’s Russian-Polish interstate relations are not free from the influence of global processes of foreign policy. These relations are a part of a broader strategy of Russia and Poland in relation to the external world as a whole, in particular the EU and NATO. Therefore, rapid changes in Russian-Polish interstate relations depending on the revision of the foreign policy of one of the parties are not possible. All geopolitical choices of both Russia and Poland have already been made and there is no indication that parties would want to make this choice again.

For Russian foreign policy, Poland as a participant in the international processes is an important player, but not essential. For Poland “big eastern neighbour” is one of the most important factors of both foreign policy and domestic policy processes. Russia and Poland often have different interests in foreign policy, inter alia, there is a direct articulation zone and collision of interests – Belarus, Ukraine, a number of adjacent territories of Baltic and Black Seas which have been subject to competition from Moscow and Warsaw in various historical reincarnations. Neither Poland nor Russia are ready to give up their geopolitical and economic interests which often are not only annoying for the neighbours and put representatives of the Ministries of Foreign Affairs in awkward situation but also are directly contradictory. However, there is one sphere in which it is impossible to mention any contradictions between Poland and Russia as countries, between professional societies, between citizens – it is the academic cooperation.

Author: Maciej Mróz
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 76-90
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011105
PDF: npw/01/npw2011105.pdf

Streszczenie:

Upon the restitution of Ukrainian independence in 1991, the Polish-Ukrainian relations, next to the relations with Russian Federation, became central to polish foreign policy towards its direct neighbours in the East. In August 1993, for the first time since Ukraine’s definitive emancipation from the tutelage of Moscow, the Prime Minister Hanna Suchocka defined the relation between Warsaw and Kiev as a strategic partnership. Since then it has been treated almost as a magic spell which was usually used to compensate the lack of real content to fill the political declarations at different levels. Warsaw’s special hopes were associated with the Eastern Partnership, the first complete initiative introduced into the European Union’s external relations and addressed to Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. A Joint Declaration was adopted in May 2009 in Prague during an official presentation of the new initiative of the European Union. Thus, the Eastern Partnership became an integral part of the European Union’s policy towards the countries addressed in the program. Fulfilment of the assumptions outlined in The Eastern Partnership with a substantive content is in spe will lead to a real integration of the partner countries and national and ethnic minorities residing in their territory with the European Union, and in the longer term lead to full integration. Guided by the EU’s values , standards and norms the writers and animators of the Eastern Partnership built its functioning on three basic principles:, co-ownership, differentiation and conditionality. They also outlined the areas of cooperation with countries covered by the partnership in such fields as human rights, market economy, sustainable development, efficient and effective management, energy security and others. Considering the Eastern Partnership in this form, amongst other, Poland should concentrate its efforts on activities aimed at introducing Ukrainian issues at various forms of international cooperation, determining the relationship between the Eastern Partnership and other regional organizations promoted by the European Union, further institutional placement of the Eastern Partnership within the framework of the European Union, and in purely practical dimension on liberalization of visa regime with the perspective of its abolition.

Author: Omurbek Karatałow
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 91-106
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011106
PDF: npw/01/npw2011106.pdf

Streszczenie:

In this article a trade-economic cooperation between Kyrgyzstan and Poland within framework of the WTO terms and rules studied. Kyrgyz Republic (Kyrgyzstan) since the first days of its independence made actions to implement a democratic system of public administration and liberal market economy model. Economic reform process started by: price liberalization, free production pocket formation policy, mass privatization of trade and distribution in short term period, external economic and trade activities renovation. In the same time a new customs rules and tariffs have been approved and implemented. Currency rate rules and procedures for its transactions introduced as well as correspondent relations with partners on external trade were implemented. Fluctuations of the external trade turnover structure of the Kyrgyz Republic with foreign countries including trade relations between Kyrgyzstan and Poland have been studied; dynamics and prospects for trade between two countries, macroeconomic indicators of the Kyrgyzstan and several foreign countries and possibilities for their further development in the framework of market relations have been described. In this article it was proposed that Kyrgyzstan should use preferences for trade financing in case of export of only finished goods with bigger value added rather then it exports a raw materials in order not to stay as a raw exporter for a long time. Otherwise, a new wave of import goods make a damage and losses to domestic producers that make slow down for local productions. Kyrgyzstan should take measures with hard mechanisms and tools while export-import transactions. Also in this article it was clarified a reasons for biggest world traders enrichment and noted that these traders recommend to countries in transitive economies to use all preferences of the open market with equal possibilities for all. Raise of U.S.A. export share in the global trade have been described with the note that U.S. Government hardly regulate import and export activities. Also it was shown some samples of the double standards in international trade that happened while capitalism worldwide development in terms of world economy globalization. Industrial countries regulate export in order to protect a national security and to support external politic interests and restriction of exports of those goods which are in deficit in domestic market. Double standards are first of all related to protection of the interests of domestic producers in the framework of national security provision of a country. In this article also noted to existed “underground” economy, sector corruption, goods fair trade as well as other economic crimes in many CIS countries, that makes false picture of a real situation with export-import transactions between CIS countries. It is justified a need for making quarterly identification of the registered data on export-import goods transactions both in general and quantitative measures that could be provided based on inter-agency agreements between countries. It is necessary to develop a further trade-economic cooperation in terms of bilateral program of the Polish delegation visit to KRSU that support to dynamic strengthening of external trade between our countries to secure a real peoples value and to provide human potential improvement of both countries.

Author: Jakub Potulski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 107-126
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011107
PDF: npw/01/npw2011107.pdf

Streszczenie:

Twelve-year period of Vladimir Putin’s reign in Russia (eight-year presidency and four-year term as Prime Minister) resulted in significant changes in all spheres of social life. Vladimir Putin took over the power in a difficult moment for Russia, associated with the weakening of authority (Russian state mechanism was disrupted, eaten away by corruption and weakened with internal struggles for the power and control over the economy) as well as strong financial and economic crisis. As a main task he set himself restoring the stability in Russia and creating a strong and effective state. At the same time he presented ambitious plans in the economic sphere (the transformation of Russia into one of the leading industrial powers of the world) and in the social area (changing social structure, supporting the development of the middle class, fighting poverty, stopping the negative demographic trends). The Russian political elites adopted the assumption that in order to achieve these ambitious objectives they need “vertical integration of power”, centralization policy of the country and need to increase the role of the state in economic life. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency (2000–2008) many economic and social goals were achieved and the Russian authorities achieved internal economic and political stability. The international authority of the country became stronger and Russia was intensively involved in the global processes. However, the internal stability was achieved mainly by strengthening the government power and limiting the internal democratization. The socio-political stability was achieved while maintaining full control over political and economic processes. The effectiveness of the central authorities was submitted to the continuation of the democratization processes which were recognized to bring the Russian reality into government disruption and country’s big crisis in the 1990s. The result is a unique political system in which the most important role is played by the state bureaucracy, fuel and energy sector, as well as special services.

Author: Sejdachmet Kuttykadam
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 126-138
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011108
PDF: npw/01/npw2011108.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article talks about the stereotypes of national character, formed both in own minds and imported from other nations, about how, in the light of these stereotypes, cultural and behavioral consciousness of nation’s immediate, close and distant neighbors are perceived. The author identifies and amplifies the comic symptoms and character traits that are a stable component of such stereotypes and rarely have anything to do with reality. At the same time, the author draws attention to the importance of studying these distorting mirror “portraits” for better understanding of the true national characters, and the treatment of defined states by the international community. Also he identifies the colorful and comic stereotypes such as the images of Uncle Sam – American, Ivan – Russian, Han – the grandfather of Chinese, Kerim – Kazakh, Tashmataka – Uzbek and other folklore characters, actively utilized in various political disagreements, debates and conflicts.

Author: Krzysztof Kozłowski
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 139-156
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011109
PDF: npw/01/npw2011109.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Chinese foreign Policy is dialectically intertwined with the state of Chinese economy. However, the economical aspirations of the Middle Kingdom are not the only fundamental motives of the Chinese diplomacy. State’s security still plays a very important role for Peoples’ Republic of China. Authorities in Beijing also emphasize the development of Middle Kingdom’s Soft Power as well as fostering the political links with the developing states. Complexity of PRC’s motives in international relations makes Western theoretical approaches in assessing tchem of little use. The basic problem in assessing the nature of Chinese international policy is the fact, that since 1989 China undergoes two dramatic processes: expansion (kuozhan) and reconstruction (chongjian). On one hand, expanding Chinese influence reaches further than ever in history. In this context, PRC’s development faces both traditional and unconventional threats. On the other, the process of reconstruction introduced a fundamental shift from a heavily ideologically inclined Mao approach to more nuanced strategies of nowadays. Analysis of Chinese politics is further complicated not only by Chinese actions but also by dynamics of the contemporary international change. PRC is the first Power of post Cold War era developed mostly on the basis of political, economic and social advantages of globalization. In consequence judging Chinese foreign politics on the basis of 20th century Western political categories misses the nature of the ongoing changes. Thus, it is more useful to analyze specific Chinese actions than assessing them through lenses of the theoretical models used in the West. In this respect a closer look at Chinese political actions regarding Post-Soviet Central Asia, its place in energy, security and Power politics, may prove to be surprisingly useful.

Author: Józef Zawadzki
Year of publication: 2011
Source: Show
Pages: 157-172
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2011110
PDF: npw/01/npw2011110.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Article in its content covers the situation in the Caucasus, and describes the geopolitical conflict of Georgia with the autonomous republics of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia and the Russian Federation. The article gives a brief history of Georgian State from the beginning of its statehood until modern times. The author shows the origin of the conflict. It also presents the policy of the Russian Federation in relation to the Caucasus, and in particular to Georgia. In the summary the author points out that the resolution of conflicts in today’s international relations should be carried out by negotiation. The military violence as a method to achieve political objectives, may only bring negative consequences. Georgia is the best example of such a situation, because there has been a defragmentation of that country-the loss of the territory, thereby reducing its meaning in the Caucasus region and in the international arena.

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