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Author: J.W. Nosowa
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 13-28
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012201
PDF: npw/03/npw2012201.pdf


Religion and state played a very important role in organising social life in the Russian Empire. Apart from religious life tasks, the Church was also running schools, hospitals and shelters. It was conducting cultural activities and ran full records of civil acts: births, weddings and deaths. For centuries, the Church gathered great fortune, and was using it to take care of such a wide area of interest. Clergymen became true lords of their parishioners’ thoughts, whatever the persuasion. After the October Revolution in 1919, one of the main tasks of the new government was to fight with religion and clergy, both regarded as ideological enemies. Already in 1917, after taking over power in the country, several state decrees were issued in order to eliminate religion from the nation’s life. In 1918 a document was issued, depriving the Church of a right to be represented in the social life as a legal entity, as well as confiscating all the Church’s fortune and bank accounts. All religious schools, printing houses, cultural institutions, even objects serving religious purposes – books, icons, sacrificial tables – were nationalised. Convents were changed into prisons, faith in God was announced to be a relic of rightly passed old times, and believing meant risking repressions. The Clergy were considered a social group that was supposed to become extinct, a sort of “former” structure. Religious life went underground. During the war, between 1941 and 1945, certain reliefs were introduced, with propaganda purposes, especially to improve the international image of the USSR and its leader, Stalin.

Among many organs created throughout many years in order to control religion and the clergy, the most significant one was the Russian Orthodox Church’s Council. The article contains a detailed description of this organisation’s activities within the Kirghiz Soviet Socialist Republic.

The ROCC’s activities’ analysis shows that it was the organ of detailed state control over the clergy and all believers, which was being executed directly by its agents.

Author: Krzysztof Garczewski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 29-41
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012202
PDF: npw/03/npw2012202.pdf


Relations with Eastern neighbours play an important role for both Poland and Germany. For Germany Russia is a key partner in this area, but Berlin–Warsaw relations have developed rapidly over recent last years. Representatives of both states co-operated to enhance development of relations with Eastern neighbours of the EU. One of the most important issues is a Polish–German–Russian programme. For Poland the most crucial part of Eastern Policy plays the Eastern Partnership. Intensification of the co-operation with six post-Soviet states was one of the priorities of the Polish presidency of the Council of the European Union during the second half of 2011. The Polish–Swedish concept is also backed by Germany.

Author: Danuta Karnowska
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 42-52
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012203
PDF: npw/03/npw2012203.pdf


Up until the parliament and president election of 2005, the Citizens’ Platform and the Law and Justice were considered twin parties. The reason for that was, that both parties originated from the Solidarity movement and expressed similar values (the need to settle accounts with PPR, decommunisation, public figures’ inspection and general aversion to communism). Polish political scene’s observers in their analysis were frequently omitting some important differences shown in economical concepts and in the foreign policies of both parties. Not until after 2005 when the two camps got drastically divided, the differences in basic matters of both parties programme were emphasized. This also concerned foreign affairs. During the time when Donald Tusk’s government holds power for the second term of office, it is worth to bring up certain guidelines and a practical side of foreign policy conducted by the Law and Justice.

Author: Svetlana Ploskih
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 53-61
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012204
PDF: npw/03/npw2012204.pdf


The article is devoted to issues that were classified in times of mass repressions in the Soviet Union (including Kyrgyzstan). This also applies to the first Kyrgyz intellectuals, who studied the Kyrgyz national epic “Manas” about the hero of the same name. The epic has a thousand year old history and it traced the religious motives of Islam. It was the occasion that major designers of the problem, manasoveds T. Baijiev, Z. Bektenov, T. Samanchin from the Academy of Sciences of Kyrgyzstan were declared “bourgeois nationalists.” For promotion and study of the epic they were arrested and deported to gulags in Kazakhstan in 1949–1950 for penal servitude. Tashim Baijiev died there. The two others were later released, but they came back home as cripples. The epic “Manas” was banned from publishing. The ban was lifted a decade later. Scientists have been rehabilitated, but were unable to continue their work. Today, the epic “Manas” repeatedly reissued is considered to be a symbol of an independent and free Kyrgyzstan. Streets and squares of cities were named after Manas, there are his sculptures in Bishkek and scholars defend their candidate and doctoral dissertations on the subject. Those are the zigzags of relationship between intellectuals and the authority of Kyrgyzstan in the 20th century.

Author: Przemysław Benken
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 62-85
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012205
PDF: npw/03/npw2012205.pdf


This article was written in order to present some very little known facts concerning the Socialistic Republic of Vietnam’s attitude towards a huge internal crisis in Polish People’s Republic that took place mostly in 1980–1982 period. Hanoi was at that time in the middle of a spectacular economic recession and feared that some Solidarity’s ideals might as well corrupt Vietnam’s working class. Ho Chi Minh successors also thought that their problems were connected with the anticipated Soviet intervention in Poland could cause another Chinese invasion aimed at seizing their homeland. The last war between China and Vietnam took place in 1979. To protect their supremacy in the Indochina Peninsula, Vietnamese communists had to learn as much as possible about the Solidarity movement and were eager to give Polish comrades full support in it’s suppression. It was however Hanoi’s imperative that the Polish government could handle the situation by it’s ownmeans. In that case the Soviet Union would be able to use it’s full military and political powers to contradict any Chinese attempts to place the Socialistic Republic of Vietnam under Beijing submission.

Autor: Tadeusz Dmochowski
DOI Address: https://doi.org/
Rok publikacji: 2012
Źródło: Polaż
Strony: 86-108
Adres DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012206
PDF: npw/03/npw2012206.pdf


The article shows the stand China (People’s Republic of China) and the split by inner political fights USSR took regarding the American initiative to militarily force out the Iraqi aggressor from Kuwait, as well as regarding the American anti-Iraq operation, Desert Storm. Both communist superpowers agreed with each other only 2 years before the operation, thus ending the 30-year long schism and hostility. However, among others due to Mikhail Gorbachev’s policy of new thought from one side and Deng Xiaoping’s reforms and open policy from the other, supported by Chinese independent foreign policy, despite many mutual points within foreign policy, Moscow and Beijing held different policies regarding the American intervention (arranged officially with the UN’s mandate).

While agreeing about the necessary withdrawal of Iraqi armies from Kuwait, as well as the restitution of its sovereignty, China and USSR differed in the coalition’s (particularly American) support towards military intervention against Iraq. For Beijing the intervention was only an element of the supremacy battle between USA and Iraq. For Gorbachev, it was a part of Soviet–American cooperation in building a partnership, as well as creating universal standards of political

activities on the international arena.

The Soviet political scene however, was deeply diversified. The followers of the west and of the USA supported the Iraq intervention, but left-wing politicians were appealing to Soviet politics’ tradition and were against following America’s moves. They wanted to continue the anti-USA policy in the Persian Gulf region, to hold friendly relations with Islamic countries and to bloc American initiatives cin the region, which according to them served to monopolize the USA’s domination in the area.

Author: Paweł Nieczuja-Ostrowski
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 109-128
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012207
PDF: npw/03/npw2012207.pdf


The article shows an analysis of social protests in Armenia after it regained its independence. In 1991, the country had entered the path of political and economic transformation. However, like other post-Soviet countries faced many obstacles in the process of democratization. Currently Armenia is seen as semi-authoritarian or not fully democratic in a bad economic situation and the low standard of living of the population. During the last twenty years, there were many Armenia, mass public protests, some very violent, as in the years 2004 and 2008. The protests are of interest to many subjects of international relations because of the strategic importance of the South Caucasus region. This article attempts to identify (causes, specificity and consequences) of social protests in the Republic of Armenia.

Author: Swietlana Czerwonnaja
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 129
DOI Address: 151
PDF: npw/03/npw2012208.pdf


During the time in question, the Polish state’s attitude towards ethnic Poles (the majority of the population), and towards national and ethnic minorities changed significantly. This was an important matter for the Solidarity movement members and all the documents they issued. It was also taken into consideration during the Round Table Talks. The Third Polish Republic began its history along with acknowledging national minorities’ rights. In 1989 the parliament called the National and Ethnical Minorities’ Parliament Board into being. The minorities’ rights were guaranteed in the constitution from 1997.

Numerous law acts regulating different life aspects of national and ethnical minorities are discussed in the article, especially the bill passed by the Senate on 6th January 2005 – About national and ethnical minorities and a regional language. The bill mentions 6 features distinguishing a national or an ethnical minority. On that basis, it was officially stated which groups are considered national and which are the ethnical minority in Poland.

The text discusses social organisations and mass information means, serving to preserve the minorities’ national identity.

National groups that were not acknowledged as minorities by the 2005 bill, were also introduced in the text – particularly Silesians and Kashubians. A polemic was developed with the document, by pointing out inequalities in treating different groups, that aspire to the minority status. It is really significant for the groups mentioned, since only the ones that were officially recognized as minorities can count on material and moral support from the state.

Author: Grzegorz Nizioł
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 152-176
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012209
PDF: npw/03/npw2012209.pdf


On the basis of numerous examples, the author presents the influence of natural factors shaping the safety of Uzbekistan and Tajikistan and the States of Central Asia, as well as various actions undertaken by the authorities and international organizations to curb any rising threats and diminish their effects. It is pointed out that one of the major problems of the region is the shrivelling and drying-out of the Aral Sea. It seems that the irreversable processes which led to the ecological catastrophy of the region changed the climate, enlarged poverty, the spreading of diseases and gave rise to political tensions concerning the access to water supplies. Furthermore, the author underlines the influence of the past era, the Biological Warfare Laboratory on the “Vozrozhdeniya Island” and numerous containers with radioactive waste in Kirgistan near the Uzbekistan border. Another substantial problem is the occurrence of natural catastrophies and their considerable impact on the safety of the States of the Central Asian population throughout the years.

Author: Irakli Matcharashvili
Year of publication: 2012
Source: Show
Pages: 177-199
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2012210
PDF: npw/03/npw2012210.pdf


Article titled “Georgia’s arms industry,” presents a historical perspective of the development of the industry after independence of this former Soviet republic in 1991. Presented is the specificity of abandoned arm’s factories in Georgia, by the retreating Soviet Union, and the equipment produced there, as well as the difficult processes of modernization and transformation of the industry, led by the now independent Georgia, involved in the bloody conflicts of the 1990s. Discussed is also military equipment created after the Russian–Georgian war of August 2008. This war was a real detonator of changes in Georgia’s military industry, determining the number and types of equipment manufactured. The article is enriched with illustrations, showing specific types of military equipment and armament, produced by the Georgian arms industry.

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