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The institution of election silence as well as its scope has been a subject of debates and controversies for years. Supporters of election silence underline its moderating and anticoaxing character. The opponents point to inveterate breaching of its rules, particularly on the Internet. For all that, the institution of election silence serves some political and social purposes and imperfections of its execution do not have to perforce undermine its merits. The aim of the present paper is to analyse legal solutions concerning election silence that have been implemented around the world and that constitute sundry models of this institution. Comparing them allows for identifying universal solutions and areas worth reforming.
The paper deals with the notion of ceremonial deism, as it is understood in U.S. case law and jurisprudence. This term describes on kind of the government’s acts of symbolic references to God or religion, for example words „under God” in Pledge of Allegiance or the national motto – „In God We Trust”. American courts hold that particular forms of ceremonial deism are in accordance with the Establishment Clause due to their lack of a religious meaning (secularization thesis), nonsectarian nature, secular aims, historicity, ubiquity and non-controversiality. In the Author’s view, the above mentioned understanding of ceremonial deism is not fully proper. He calls on the rejection of secularization thesis and premise of non-sectarian nature. According to him, the public authorities’ acts of religious references are compliant with the Constitution when they perform significant secular aims, they do not have a devotional character and they constitute a testimony to the history and tradition of a particular country and its citizens. The criteria of ubiquity and non-controversiality may, due to its highly evaluative and subjective character, serve only a supportive role within the verification of the legality of a prima facie religious expression acts of the state. Theory of ceremonial deism, being understood properly, may constitute a valuable tool to evaluate the constitutionality of the public authority’s actions, also outside the United States.
The article presents the background of the ideological formation of the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic. The starting point is the assumption that the state reform made in 1958 had its origin in the crisis internally and in the international environment of France. The internal crisis was associated with political instability, and above all very strong position of Parliament and the chaotic party system. The external environment, in turn, is the collapse of the international role of France and the problems of decolonization, particularly in Algeria. The article presents the political thought of traditionally perceived as the creators of the Constitution 1958. These include André Tardieu, Raymond Carré de Malberg, Rene Capitanta, Michel Debré and Charles de Gaulle. Article proves that they did not have identical ideas that sometimes their views have evolved. Ultimately, however, they contributed to a coherent political thought, which began gaullism, and in the sense of the political system laid the foundation for the constitution of the Fifth Republic. Keywords for this political thought are the rear of the political system in the background values, among which is crucial idea of a strong state; recognition of the necessity to balance the authorities; visibility of the role of the president is perceived, like the military, as chef of state.
The article brings up issues of the removing V. Janukovych from power by Ukrainian parliament in February 2014. For that reason resolutions from that period passed by Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (concerning divesting V. Janukovych of president’s power) were discussed, particularly Resolution on February 22nd, 2014 on Self-Removal of the president of Ukraine from his Constitutional Authority and Early Elections of the president of Ukraine. Thorough analysis of Ukrainian parliament’s resolutions mentioned above in the light of legally binding Ukrainian Constitution at that time, judicial decisions of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine and literature, leads to conclusion, that the divesting V. Janukovych of power by Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine occurred with violation of the Fundamental Law of Ukraine, first of all, principles of: people’s sovereignty, state power division, rule of law and supremacy of Constitution, legality of acting of bodies of state power, ban of state power usurpation, too. This analysis proves an assumption made in the article that Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine divested the Ukrainian president of power unlawfully.
The aim of this article is the general characteristics of the legal status of associations in Russia. They include the origin of association movement, overview of current legal sources, basic terms, and discussion of selected regulations limiting the right to association, with particular emphasis on law of 20 July 2012 on organizations fulfilling the function of a foreign agent and law of 23 May 2015 on undesirable organizations on the territory of the RF. This paper also highlights the political aspect of the origin, shaping and transformation of the legal position of associations. The legal status of associations in Russia is always linked to the political situation in the country. Constitutional traditions of Tsarist and Soviet Russia were not conducive to bottom-up self-organization of society and only perestroika in the late 80s enabled unrestrained participation in public life. Currently in Russia, there are over 101 thousand registered social associations and undoubtedly it is a record number in the historical context. However, in order to maintain internal security against the growing threat of terrorism, as well as to the risk of the outbreak of the color revolution, in recent years Russia started to re-introduce significant restrictions on the freedom of association. The basic research method is the dogmatic analysis of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and selected federal laws. The issue discussed is rarely raised in Polish scientific publications. This paper constitutes an attempt to fill the gap in the subject literature aiming at contributing to the development of scientific knowledge in Polish-Russian comparative studies.
antyterroryzm Federacja Rosyjska Konstytucja Federacji Rosyjskiej Imperium Rosyjskie ZSRR stowarzyszenie społeczne organizacja pozarządowa agent zagraniczny organizacja niepożądana fundacja, „kolorowa rewolucja” ekstremizm
The text is an analysis of the Austrian legal regulations concerning the constitutional responsibility of the President. Federal President for committing a constitutional delict is responsible before the Constitutional Court. The proposal in this regard may submit a group of parliamentarians and parliament puts indictment. If the Constitutional Court decides the merits of allegations made in the indictment, the president shall be deposited with the office.
The purpose of this paper is the presentation of some selected issues connected with the right to a fair trial (the right to court, the right to legal proceedings), which is a key element of human rights protection and serves to provide procedural means to safeguard the rule of law. The right to a fair trial is generally guaranteed in acts of international law and in democratic constitutions. The Author of this paper compares regulations of this issue in the European Convention on Human Rights, in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. Because of the extent of the presented subject, article was divided into two parts – the first one, which contains the introduction to the subject of the right to a fair trial and the analysis of this issue in the European Convention on Human Rights and the second part, which presents the regulation of the right to a fair trial in the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland.
This contribution presents issue connected to implementation of the constitutional principle of equality and prohibition of discrimination within Act of 4 November 2016 on the support of pregnant women and families „For life”. Author brings regulations concluded in the content of the indicated act closer, thereafter he performs a presentation of the principle of equality and prohibition of discrimination, with an aid of jurisdiction and doctrine standpoints. Final part of contribution consists confrontation between mentioned principle and pointed prohibition with this part of the „For Life” Act, which sketch presumptions allowing to apply for one time benefit, in the amount of 4 000 zloty, for giving birth to alive child, who were diagnosed with severe and irreversible impairment or with incurable illness endangering their life, under a condition that woman would stay under medical healthcare no later than from 10th week of pregnancy till labour.
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