- Year of publication: 2010
- Source: Show
- Pages: 184-187
- DOI Address: -
The right of petition in Poland is a law resulting from art. 63 of the Constitution of 2 April 1997. The author shows the bill on petitions prepared by the Senate, indicating that yet there have not been made the constitutional announcement in this regard. The paper also shows examples of the types, scope and functions of the petition in different jurisdictions. Right to petition is also a constitutional law in Belgium, Spain, Italy, Slovenia, Denmark, Portugal, Slovakia, Greece, Macedonia, Ukraine, Lithuania, France. It should be emphasized that there are different forms of possible instances of the citizen to the authorities: the petition, complaint and request. In various countries the situation is unstable. Frequently the petitions have been defined. Sometimes, however, terms petition and complaint are terms used interchange- ably. But mostly, where the laws on petitions are enacted, such definition exists.,eg. in the Czech Republic, Russia, Hungary.
This article discusses one of the contemporary American theories on interpretation, i.e. plain meaning originalism. The propagator and co-author of this theory is Antonin Scalia – Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United State. Scalia’s originalism is a doctrine about how judges ought to interpret statutes and constitution according to their original meaning. Therefore we can define it with textualism based on language competence of the primary legislator and primary addressees. Originalism uses interpretative, language and system directives. In general it refuses using function and purposefulness. What determines the meaning of law is legal codes and tradition. According to Scalia law does not change automatically together with changes of social needs and expectations. He criticizes the concept of “living constitution” regarding it as a source of judicial discretionality. Members of parliament, elected in a democratic voting, should update the law, not judges.
Determination of the election validity is one of the most important elements in the electoral procedure, contributing significantly to legitimacy of the elected body. Institutions ensuring a fair election process, first of all, ensuring compliance of the results with the will of the sovereign. They constitute in contempo- rary times one of the key determinants of free elections, alongside democratic procedures for nominating candidates, free competition of political programs and opportunities for voters to express their will in the overt act of voting. Based on the Polish constitutional law, several of the current election verifi- cation systems have been applicable. In relation to individual elements of each model, both positive assessments and critical remarks can be formulated. The following article focuses on explaining the rules for verification of Polish parliamentary elections under the current Constitution, together with the questions relating to the applicability of certain provisions of the adopted mode of the validation procedure for the election to the Sejm and the Senate.
Progressing integration processes in Europe generate the need to create legal mechanisms determining relations of the domestic law with the acts of foreign official authority. Polish constitutional legislator created appropriate regulation in the article 90 of Constitution. Present study describes issues associated with handing over of state agencies competences for international organizations and bodies. In the beginning there was made an explanation who can hand over competences and whom is qualified to hand them over for. Considering the explanation of doctrine and the judicial decisions of The Constitutional Tribunal there was showed, which of competences could be handed over and which of them constitutes the inviolable hard core of the national sovereignty. Hereinaf- ter there was made analysis of modes of giving consent to the ratification of an international agreement based in article 90, determining their mutual location. Next there were analyzed the role and participation of the President in the rati- fication process. On the basis of made arrangements there was taken an attempt of evaluation of the contemporary constitutional regulation, formulating appro- priate conclusions de lege ferenda.
In this article entitled the author discusses the relation between the constitutional directive specified in Art. 7 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland under which official authorities in Poland must act under and in compliance with law, on the one hand, and discretionary power in administrative law which fre- quently enables broad interpretation of legal regulations which are general in nature, on the other. The author presents his arguments on the basis of one act, the Historic Pres- ervation Act, and the analysis of its general clauses. In the first part of the article, the author addresses theoretical aspects of general clauses. In the second part, the author illustrates the theoretical concepts with specific examples of general clauses in the said Act and provides an exemplary interpretation of their meaning. The focus is placed on the extensive discretionary powers conferred by the legislator on the authorities applying the Act. Based on the provided examples of general clauses and possible extensive consequences of their application, the author concludes with description of methods and the mechanism of giving a more precise meaning to the general clauses by presenting their application in practice in judicial decisions.
This article refers to the issues of retroactivity of martial law decree in the light of the Constitution of 1952 and 1997. The starting point of considerations is to identify the legitimacy of the principle of lex retro non agit, which establishes an introduction to the issue of the retroactive provisions of the decree intoducing martial law on the territory of the People’s Republic of Poland in December 12th 1981. The point of assessing the legality of the decree are the provisions of the Constitution of the PRL, the Criminal Code of 1969 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The synthesis of the problems undertaken in this work was supported by jurisdiction of the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Court.
The aim of this article was to indicate how far the constellation of political forces in 2007–2010 was affecting the constitutional mechanism of power. At that time we had to be dealing with the second cohabitation under the rule of the constitution of 1997. By contrary to the former experiences, this cohabitation was run- ning out very intensively, especially as for conflicts in government–president relationships. That was a period of merciless political fight and far going disputes over many ticklish issues. It all has proved that by the time of cohabitation polish president is able to participate effectively in ruling the country. In the first part of the article the author focuses on phenomenon of cohabitation in France. There are remarks referring to the legal and political conditions of this mechanism as well. On the other hand these deliberations show us the differences between Polish and French model of cohabitation. The most important part of this article contains the analysis of political praxis in 2007–2010. The author researches so called „fields of cohabitation”, which were a source of real conflicts between both organs of executive power.
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