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Author: Arkadiusz Żukowski
E-mail: office@ptnp.org.pl
Institution: Polish Political Science Association (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 7
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy201600
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016000.pdf

Streszczenie:

Dear Readers, I am very pleased to present you the 45th volume of the Polish Political Science Yearbook (2016). From the beginning, the journal was connected with the Polish Association of Political Science (established in 1957) and in fact, played a role in its organ. At first, the periodical was published under the title Polish Round Table, and then the name was changed into the current one. The fundamental aims of the Polish Political Science Yearbook for the last 45 years and even earlier have not changed. The authors have made an effort to maintain and even increase the quality of publishing papers. These aims were and are the priority tasks. In the near future the deepened emphasis will be directed towards theoretical and methodological background of every paper. The PPSY will be more open for scientific discourse on various vital challenges and threats of contemporary political science in Poland and in the World.

PTNP Polish Association of Political Science editorial polish political science yearbook

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Author: Joanna Marszałek-Kawa
E-mail: kawadj@box43.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Author: Patryk Wawrzyński
E-mail: patryk.wawrzynski@gmail.com
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland) & WSB University in Bydgoszcz (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 11-21
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016001
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016001.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence. 

symbolic roles social stratification new elites rememance policy transformations democratisation collective memory transitional justice

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Author: Konrad Wyszkowski
E-mail: konradwyszkowski@gmail.com
Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 22-31
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016002
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016002.pdf

Streszczenie:

The author offers a new approach to a phenomenon of social legends of great individuals from a philosophical point of view. He starts with a presentation of his interpretation of the concept of the Platonic tradition of a divine man and a cult or hagiography of such men in the ideal Platonic state, alongside with an explanation, inspired by Platonic authors. He collates this concept and its justification (rationalization) with today’s social and political reception of axiology, in order to present it as an epiphany of higher values. He collates it also with the results of philosophical reflection on a ductility of history, in order to show it as a prototype of something real in its historical efficiency. The author ends with summary and explanation of his proposal. 

modern reception of axiology moral education Platonism Neoplatonism nihilism philosophy of history political philosophy

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Author: Attila Ágh
E-mail: attila.agh@chello.hu
Institution: Corvinus University of Budapest (Hungary)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 32-44
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016003
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016003.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper has been based on three assumptions that have been widely discussed in the international political science: (1) there has been a decline of democracy in East–Central Europe (ECE) with the emergence of “velvet dictatorships”, (2) the velvet dictatorships rely on the soft power of media and communication rather on the hard power of state violence that has provoked “cultural wars“ and (3) the basic turning point is the transition from the former modernization narrative to the traditional narrative with “reinventing the past” and “reconceptualising modernity” through the reference to the historically given collective national identity by launching the “politics of historical memory”. The velvet dictatorships have been using and abusing the national history as an ideological drug to consolidate their power. The (social and national) populism and Euroscepticism are the basic twin terms to describe the soft power of the new (semi)authoritarian regimes. They are convertible, the two sides of the same coin, since they express the same divergence from the EU mainstream from inside and outside. Soft power means that the political contest in the new regimes has been transferred from the hard to the soft fields of politics as the fight between the confronting narratives. The victory of the traditionalist–nativist narrative carries also the message that the people are only passive “subjects” and not active citizens, so the field of politics has been extremely narrowed in the “new brave world” in ECE. 

reinventing the past cultural war historical memory Hungary politics of memory Poland

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Author: Olga Sebina
E-mail: sebiole80@yandex.ru
Institution: Jilin University (China)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 45-59
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016004
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016004.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper provides a theoretical explanation of what causes historical issues to impact bilateral relations between two states. The case which was chosen for analysis – popularly known as the Katyń issue – involves changes in Polish foreign policy towards the Russian Federation due to the remembrance of the Katyń Massacre. The main assumptions are based on the concept of securitization and its analytical framework, particularly the societal portion, which is proposed by the Copenhagen School of security study. The process of European integration can be seen as the main causal factor leading to a complex of vertical and horizontal competition between Poland, the EU, and Russia over the construction of their historical identities with a referent object of securitization in Poland. The main conclusion of this paper suggests that significant differences in the understanding of various nations’ roles in WW2 between the EU and Russia have led to the securitization of the Polish historical image of WW2. The Polish audience considered it important to accept the historical truth. The Katyń issue in Polish–Russian relations has become a case that reflects the process which leads to securitization of disputes between historical victims and victimizers on a state–to–state level. 

Polish foreign policy the Katyń issue securitization

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Author: Marcin Czyżniewski
E-mail: mcz@umk.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 60-72
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016005
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016005.pdf

Streszczenie:

The change of the political regime in Czechoslovakia, called the Velvet Revolution, is considered as a success story of transformation after 1989. However, in nowadays Czech Republic, the Communist Party still exists – this is the only such case among democratic countries of Central Europe. It makes us ask the question: is the Velvet Revolution completed? The author treats the activities of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia as a criterion for the assessment of changes in the Czech Republic after 1989 and wonders how strong for the assessment of the transformation influences the relics of the former regime. He stresses that transformation in the Czech Republic can’t be assessed on a comparative scale, because pace and effects of changes were different in different countries, as different was the nature of the previous regimes. The author concludes that the existence of the Communist Party is the natural element of contemporary political reality of the Czech Republic, which negates the achievements of transformation in no way. 

Central Europe the Velvet Revolution communist parties the Czech Republic political transformation

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Author: Magdalena Rekść
E-mail: mreksc@o2.pl.
Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 73-84
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016006
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016006.pdf

Streszczenie:

The aim of this paper is to analyse the image of Yugoslavia in the collective memories of the post–Yugoslav societies. The author of this text, basing on an assumption that every society has a great number of collective memories, highlights the fact that among the Balkan nations one can find both supporters and opponents not only of the SFRY but also of the idea of the cooperation among the Southern Slavs. Both positive and negative opinions of Yugoslavia in the collective memories are based not on the sober assessment of the historical facts but on collective emotions and historical and political myths. The anti–Yugoslav discourse in primarily based on the national mythology. The discourse of the supporters of the Yugoslav tradition one the other hand, goes back in a large extend to the transnational myths. By discussing these two types of ideas about Yugoslavia, the author of this text tries to show their impact on the current political decisions.

Yugo–nostalgia collective identity myth Yugoslavia collective memory

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Author: Tomasz Czapiewski
E-mail: tomekczapiewski@gmail.com
Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 85-98
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016007
PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016007.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the political myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti–Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simplified, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing secessionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between southern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. She has never retreated radically from any of the Scottish privileges, such as the Barnett formula or the Scottish Development Agency. 

independence devolution Thatcherism Margaret Thatcher Scotland United Kingdom political myth

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Author: Joanna Marszałek-Kawa
E-mail: kawadj@box43.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
Author: Anna Ratke-Majewska
E-mail: anna.ratkemajewska@gmail.com
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 99-116
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016008
PDF: ppsy/45/2016008.pdf

Streszczenie:

By undertaking discussion on the aspect of special forms of commemoration, we may obtain a lot of useful information about the remembrance policy of a given country. That is why the analysis of the issue of the sites of memory seems to be of key importance for understanding problems related to the state’s interpretation of the past from the perspective of an authoritarian regime, political transition and democracy. The aim of this paper is to address one of the elements of a broader issue, i.e. the study of the politics of memory. This element focuses on the presentation of the most significant sites of memory in two countries with the experience of authoritarianism – Chile and Georgia – emphasizing changes which took place in the sphere of commemoration from the beginning of democratic transformation to the moment of achieving full democracy. By describing these places we are showing the main directions and framework assumptions of the remembrance policies of Chile and Georgia, reflected in the form of spatial and visual objects of the “living history”. 

Georgia Chile democracy democratic transformation sites of memory politics of memory

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Author: Aleksandra Gliszczyńska-Grabias
E-mail: aggrabias@gmail.com
Institution: Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland)
Author: Grażyna Baranowska
E-mail: baranowska.g@gmail.com
Institution: Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland)
Year of publication: 2016
Source: Show
Pages: 117-129
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016009
PDF: ppsy/45/2016009.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article demonstrates how references to Nazi and Soviet past are perceived and evaluated by the European Court of Human Rights. Individual cases concerning Holocaust and Nazism, which the Court has examined so far, are compared here to judgments rendered with regard to Communist regime. The article proves that the Court treats more leniently state interference with freedom of expression when memory about Nazism and Holocaust is protected than when a post–Communist state wants to preserve a critical memory about the regime. The authors of the article agree with the attitude of the Court which offers a wide margin of appreciation to states restrictively treating references to Nazism and Holocaust, including comparisons to the Holocaust, Nazism or fascism used as rhetorical devices. At the same time they postulate that other totalitarian systems should be treated by the Court equally. 

memory laws European Convention on Human Rights ECHR European Court of Human Rights ECtHR

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