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Author: Håkan Gunneriusson
E-mail 1: Hakan.Gunneriusson@fhs.se
Institution: Swedish Defence University (Sweden)
Author: Sascha Dov Bachmann
E-mail: sbachmann@bournemouth.ac.uk
Institution: Bournemouth University (United Kingdom), Swedish Defence University (Sweden)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 9-29
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017101
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017101.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Russian National Security Strategy of 2015 aims at achieving autarky from Western influences on global security, the rule of law and global trade. Russia aims at attaining this by applying a holistic mix of military, political and economic means to weaken the West and to strengthen its own role as a global player. The Russian approach builds on a strategy of reflexive control which as such is an old method, but the outcome of the application of this approach results in hybrid warfare which as such is a new emerging concept of warfighting. This short article looks at one particular aspect of this Russian strategy, namely using Hybrid, or non-linear, Warfare against its Western direct neighbours in particular and the West in general. We will discuss the underlying cultural logic in Russia’s actions and will reflect on the impact of Russia’s utilization of the existing cultural asymmetry as a form of warfare in regard to the West. The examples used in this text are taken from the context of the conflicts of Ukraine and Syria, but have to be seen as constituting a part of an on-going global conflict aimed at NATO and the EU. The text builds on years of research within the hybrid threat, warfare respectively, context by both authors. 

national security policies reflexive control state vulnerabilities disinformation strategies exploitation of cultural asymmetries East-West conflict NATO policy and doctrines hybrid warfare

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Author: Joanna Świątkowska
E-mail 1: joanna.swiatkowska@ik.org.pl
Institution: Pedagogical University of Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 30-39
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017102
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017102.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper aims to analyse how information warfare can be conducted in cyberspace and to look at this issue from the perspective of Central and Eastern European Countries. It argues that this form of hostile actions will be increasingly utilized in the region. The main assumption, following Alvin Toffler’s theory, is that “information” – as an increasingly important element of modern societies and as their strategic resource – also serves as a significant tool of modern conflicts. Since information is nowadays strongly related to new technologies, mainly the aspects connected to cybersecurity are analysed. The article looks closer at different aspects of cyberthreats and explains their possible consequences. It may serve as good material for further research and recommendations on countermeasures that may increase security in Europe. 

cyberattacks secuity hybrid conflict information security CEE region cyberthreats cybersecurity information warfare

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Author: Marcin Czyżniewski
E-mail 1: mcz@umk.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 40-62
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017103
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017103

Streszczenie:

Author analyzed the programs of all Czech political parties which have their representatives in the Chamber of Deputies in the parliamentary term 2013–2017, assuming that political programs are a reflection of the public discourse, and of the public eye. Security is one of the most important categories in the programs of Czech political parties, in some literally the most important, however, this importance is determined through quantitative, not qualitative, perspective. Diagnosis and solutions are similar in all cases, what allows to conclude that security is not a factor differentiating the Czech political scene. 

perception of security Czech Republic political parties security studies

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Author: Hanna Wiczanowska
E-mail 1: hanawicz@gmail.com
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 63-73
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017104
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017104.pdf

Streszczenie:

The current EU migration and asylum policy crisis has been perceived to constitute one of the most serious challenges for European security. The attitude of fear and reluctance towards admission of cultural others (including: refugees, asylum seekers and the immigrants) has been particularly visible in the V4 countries. The aim of this paper is therefore to examine the grounds of such a position with reference to general European tendencies as well as specific features of attitudes of Poland and Slovakia as the representatives of V4 countries in the light of their particular economic and social situation. Due to volume limitations the author will focus mainly on the two presented States. The decision regarding choice of Poland arises from the fact that as the only V4 State it has voted in favour of the mandatory quota of relocation of 120.000 refugees. Instead Slovakia constitutes the most vivid example pro-European parties changing rhetoric for more national which is quite transparent for the V4 countries. The whole analysis has been conducted in the specific context of relocation of the symbolic division of Europe an replacement of ideological Iron Curtain with cultural Velvet Curtain which leads to the phenomenon of culturalisation. 

Islam cultualisation the Iron Curtain slovakia refugees migration policy Poland

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Author: Krystyna Gomółka
E-mail 1: Krystyna.Gomolka@zie.pg.edu.pl
Institution: Gdańsk University of Technology (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 74-90
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017105
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017105.pdf

Streszczenie:

The national security strategy adopted in 2007 provided a detailed definition of security and identified its threats. The key threat to the Armenian state was considered to be the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The document indicated the Collective Security Treaty Organisation main guarantor of security, with Russia being Armenia’s main partner in bilateral relations. The second position in the strategy was assigned to cooperation with the NATO and the OSCE. One of the priorities identified was to intensify the economic and trade connections with the European Union and participation in the European Neighbourhood Policy as a step towards integration with European structures. As to bilateral relations, the most significant were Armenia’s contacts with Georgia and Iran. If we compare the assumptions of the strategy with the policy pursued by Armenia after 2007, it is clear that the measures taken are in line with the provisions of the document. By the end of 2016, the most serious threat to Armenia – the Nagorno-Karabakh issue – remained unresolved. Russia reinforced its position as Armenia’s strategic ally. The talks conducted between Armenia and the NATO are of little significance in view of the obligations assumed by Armenia. The same goes for the talks with the European Union after Armenia’s withdrawal from signing the association agreement, accession to the Eurasian Economic Union on 01 January 2015 and signing bilateral agreements with the Russian Federation. 

European Neighbourhood Policy NATO Nagorno-Karabakh Cauasus Armenia

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Author: Anna Kulaszewicz
E-mail 1: anna.kulaszewicz@amu.edu.pl
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 91-101
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017106
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017106.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper aims to explain that the stable situation of Belarus is important for Western Europe and why any fluctuations may present a challenge for European integrity and stability. Belarus, since the beginning of its independence in 1991 seems to show a great willingness to cooperate closely with Russia, claiming Western Europe and NATO as a potential enemy. In reality, the Belarusian position is much more complicated and ambiguous. Despite it’s close military cooperation with Russia, different tensions between Minsk and Moscow regularly happen and Belarusian authorities are still looking for new foreign partners and new energy suppliers (what was clearly visible in the last months of 2016 and the first period of 2017). Russia, old Belarusian partner, may actually even pose a threat for Belarus, so the country’s authorities have a hard challenge to maintain its stability. Western countries may be open for a new chapter of cooperation with Minsk but any rapid changes in Belarusian foreign preferences may result in unpredictable results and Moscow reaction that – in turn – would be very challenging for the whole European stability and security. 

Lukashenko ZAPAD-2017 security Russia Belarus NATO Poland

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Author: Anna Kobierecka
E-mail 1: akobierecka@uni.lodz.pl
Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 105-120
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017107
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017107.pdf

Streszczenie:

The aim of the article is to examine whether Nordic area can be regarded as a homogenous and successfully cooperating region, which is providing one unified political front. Considering many similarities between Nordic states, as for example shared values (equality, women rights, common love of democracy, peace and welfare state), one could say that Nordic states constitute a single and unitary area. What is more, the linguistic, cultural and historical closeness of those states is a fact, but at the same time many differences can be pointed, especially considering their security and foreign policies. Those aspects seem to be the main obstacle in introducing full cooperation in the region. Nevertheless, it is worth noticing that current international developments and appearance of new threats to security are influencing the Nordic states which, as a result, are changing their attitudes towards security policy. Those factors could lead to introducing new dimensions of their cooperation. 

neutrality coopertion foreign policy Nordic states security

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Author: Michał Piechowicz
E-mail 1: piechowicz@umk.pl
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 121-137
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017108
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017108.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Amsterdam Treaty has established the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). Since then, it is an example of a policy-making area creating its way quickly and comprehensively. However, in this paper the main dilemma is to what extent the Schengen development has modified the framework of AFSJ and how it adapts in this policy while being an example of enhanced cooperation and differentiated integration model. Developments in this area are part of a realisation that European states need to act together to better face new challenges to peace and internal security, while ensuring respect for democracy and human rights. It is important to add, that cooperation in the Area of Freedom Security and Justice has been driven by forces different from that seen in other policy areas.

smart borders security and justice area of freedom internal security European integration Schengen

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Author: Michał Marcin Kobierecki
E-mail 1: mkobierecki@uni.lodz.pl
Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 138-150
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017109
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017109.pdf

Streszczenie:

China is a country that has been using sport in order to reach political goals for many years. Lately such political exploitation of sport is directed at shaping the desirable international image of this country. This is done most of all through hosting sports events, but also through sports victories. The last aspect is the subject of this research. The aim of the article is therefore to investigate the issue of utilization of performance in international sport in order to enhance international image of a China. The research presented in the article is a case study concerning sport as a tool of nation-branding. Its main objective is to analyse motivation of China’s decision-makers to use sports performance in order to enhance the country’s international perception, and to observe how this goals is executed. The main hypothesis to be tested states that China perceives sports performance as an important tool of enhancing its international image. 

nation branding sports diplomacy elite sport Olympic Games China

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Author: Sabina Grabowska
E-mail 1: chatazawsia@wp.pl
Institution: University of Rzeszów (Poland)
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 153-167
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017110
PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017110.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper aims to introduce the concept of constitutional liability of the President, and the institutions of the President’s constitutional liability. The author presents the liability and its relations with other types of head of state’s liabilities. The presented analysis includes all European countries. 

referendum constitutional court parliament constitutional liability head of state

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