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Author: Krzysztof Pałecki
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 7-16
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009001
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009001.pdf

Streszczenie:

The ability to manage other people’s behavior has always intrigued philosophers. The fate of each human being and each community depend – in a way that is not easy to measure – on other people. Who are these “other people”? Why can they determine the direction of our thoughts and actions? What relation takes place between them, those who manage, and us, who are willing to be obedient? Which part of our social subjectivity are we willing to give up for the sake of these “others”? Such and many more important questions mark what may seem as an undefined framework of a never-ending, inconclusive discourse. However, once we decide to take an active part in this discourse, we need to take a responsibility to frame the subject matter, at the very least in a conventional manner, remaining aware that when each argument and each statement are equally relevant in terms of their content value, none is worth attention since they all are deprived of their explanatory value.

political leadership

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Author: Eugeniusz Zieliński
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 17-40
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009002
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009002.pdf

Streszczenie:

A distinctive trend developed in 19th and 20th century Europe, which saw the universalisation of principles of state political systems. This tendency expressed itself in proclaiming in the constitutions of individual states and in the practical application by European democracies of the political principles inspired by the ideas of the Enlightenment. Over a period of over two centuries, the constitutions of many countries developed with a similar catalogue of principles of government, in a similar legal form. These principles express the same ideas and political values and aim at developing an identical model of government structure based on liberal-democratic ideals. It is characteristic that during the last decade of the 20th century there was a sudden increase in this tendency and the spreading of those principles to over twenty countries.

political science constitutional law European constitutionalism

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Author: Bogusław Nierenberg
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 41-46
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009003
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009003.pdf

Streszczenie:

The unethical advertising does not necessarily have to be forbidden. Sometimes a thing arousing common objection is not prohibited. The thing forbidden may only be something synonymously codified. The unethical advertisement which affects ones subconsciousness, constitutes an interesting instance. It was and has been of interest not only of scientists but also various impostors. Zigmund Freud was the one who proved that subconsciousness plays an enormous role in human’s life and may govern one’s acting without the consciousness taking part. There is nothing more tempting for advertising specialists, then and as a result, majority of countries forbids this kind of activity. In Poland as well, in “The Law Concerning Combating the Unfair Competition” (1993), such practices were prohibited. In the art. 3, law 1 it is said that by the unfair competition we understand acting against the law or against good custom if it establishes a threat or violates other contractor’s or client’s business. In the art. 16, law 1, point 4, one may read that such a deed in the advertising domain stands for the utterance, which by encouraging to purchase or to make use of particular service makes an impression of a neutral information. In particular, we mean here the so-called hidden advertisement or cryptoadvertisement. For many years the Polish legislator had not perceived it as necessary to refer to the subconscious or unethical (subliminal) advertisement.

Mass Media unethical advertising

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Author: Iwona Hofman
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 47-57
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009004
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009004.pdf

Streszczenie:

The term “Fourth Estate” is becoming more and more common and acquires various connotations. It seems that processes of mediatisation of politics and tabloidisation of the media greatly contribute to phenomenon. Numerous examples of that sort are provided by the permanent election campaigns in Poland, mutual relationship between different types of media and political public relations, as well as the relationship between the media and the ruling coalition.

media politics public relations

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Author: Sebastian Wojciechowski
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 58-72
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009005
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009005.pdf

Streszczenie:

The term ‘terrorism’ is among the most frequently used words. It accompanies us on an everyday basis. It is apparently understood in a similar manner throughout the world, but it is actually interpreted and defined in different ways. “All vogue words appear to share a similar fate: the more experiences they pretend to make transparent, the more they themselves become opaque”. Terrorism is no exception to that rule. This has become particularly apparent following the events of September 11, Bali, Madrid and London. Terrorism is characterized not only by its manifold nature and complexity but also by the problem with its definition.

terrorism definitions of terrorism

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Author: Wojciech Kostecki
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 73-89
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009006
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009006.pdf

Streszczenie:

The conviction that particularly political sphere abounds in permanent paradoxes, that they constitute its inherent attributes, was already familiar to political philosophy classics, although they expressed them in different ways. “The paradoxical mix of order and chaos compelled the Greeks to seek out more creative, inclusive and reflexive modes of thought and action”. One of them, Socrates, talked about “the true political craft”, that is a rejection of politics, and at the same time, its admission. The paradoxical features of politics that arise from human nature were examined by Thomas Hobbes. Jean-Jacques Rousseau observed the paradoxes that underlie the act of free will declaration. Carl Schmitt paid attention to the internal paradox of democracy, pointing out that despite the conditions of declared citizens equality, the policy is dominated by inequalities deriving from other spheres, particularly economy.

political theory political philosophy political paradox

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Author: Maria Marczewska–Rytko
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 90-103
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009007
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009007.pdf

Streszczenie:

Introductorily, it should be observed that the discussed problem’s significance is increasingly pressing as our interest drifts towards societies dominated by great, universalizing religions Islam being only one of them. From the above, a question arises of whether the notions of religion and democracy, as mentioned in the title, are reconcilable within a single order in the first place. In his deliberations, Bohdan Chwedeńczyk inclines to the view that three types of relations may be distinguished in this respect: religion favours democracy; is indifferent to democracy; or is harmful to democracy. The discussion of the above opinion has, respectively, developed threefold. In one point of view, religion is by nature contradictory to the democratic order, it is in a sense its direct opposite. In other words, we face a choice of opting either for religion or democracy. Supporters of an alternative viewpoint claim that in the long run, a democratic system is not viable without the basis of notions such as religion, and therefore religion does play a vital part in the social order. It serves members of the public by satisfying those of their needs that do not belong to the scope of duties performed by the state and its institutions. Finally, the third approach basically acknowledges the fact that no definitive claims can be made as to the possibility of agreement between religion and democracy. I must admit that the latter is closest to my personal stance in this respect. Naturally, through careful selection of examples, arguments to support the first or the second of the mentioned opinions can be easily produced. There have been numerous examples of academic and journalistic articles advocating one of the clear-cut standpoints, which seem not to leave much room for discussion. However, the issue becomes far more multifarious when taking into account the complexity of religious and political issues analysed in both theoretical and practical perspective.

political theory democracy religion

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Author: Joanna Marszałek–Kawa
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 104-111
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009008
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009008.pdf

Streszczenie:

A study of the Euro-barometer performed at the end of January and beginning of February 2009 showed that not even 34% of the surveyed in all the 27 countries of the European Union declares the desire to cast their vote in the approaching election to the Euro-community. 15% of the respondents answered that they would de! nitely not vote in the coming election. The participation in the European Parliament Elections has fallen from election to election. This tendency persists and no signs of improvement of the situation can be seen. In 1994, 56.8% of the entitled to vote participated in the elections in all the member countries. Ten years later, only 45.6% of voters cast their votes. New member countries with low level of interest in European matters have considerably contributed to the fall in the level of legitimisation of the European Parliament.

elections European Union European Parliament parliamentary elections

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Author: Małgorzata Wnorowska
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 112-122
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009009
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009009.pdf

Streszczenie:

Adopting a new face – a mask – might be one of the conditions for a comeback to the political scene. A political face is not a synonym for identity because it is not shaped by the public, but it consists a sort of mask which is put on a politician by his/her image advisors and next presented to the public. This paper attempts to verify a thesis that a political face is not a synonym but an unstable element of a political image. The political image again is an equivalent for socio-political identity. Most definitions which appear in works on political communication treat the political image as a kind of Ego reflected in a way similar to the concept of Marzena Cichosz, who indicates, that the image consists of a set of features, which in the opinion of the public the subject possesses.

public relations political image

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Author: Roman Bäcker
Year of publication: 2009
Source: Show
Pages: 123-129
DOI Number: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2009010
PDF: ppsy/38/ppsy2009010.pdf

Streszczenie:

Both in the Polish and Russian language the term ‘nation’ is understood in a slightly different way than the English word ‘nation’. It is understood not only in cultural but also political terms, and in numerous contexts it is used to denote ‘the people’ or an ‘ethnic nation/ethnos’. Thus, when we use words ‘nation, nationality, narodnost’, sometimes only the context makes it possible to decide whether we mean the nation, nation or ethnos. However, this lack of clear distinction in the colloquial discourse should not make one conclude that there are not fully shaped nations in Poland and Russia. It is just that the colloquial discourse fails to notice these vague distinctions. In the scientific discourse in both countries, these di! erentiations have been precisely defined and used for a long time.

Poland Russia national identity

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