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Author: The Editors
E-mail: ppsy@marszalek.com.pl
Institution: Polish Political Science Yearbook (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 157–160
DOI Address: -
PDF: ppsy/47-2/contents_ppsy2018_2.pdf

Streszczenie:

Polish Political Science Yearbook, 47(2): Special Issue on Israeli Studies. Published online: August 20, 2018. The Polish Political Science Yearbook is international peer-reviewed journal indexed in: American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies (ABSEES) Online, BazHum, Central and Eastern European Online Library, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (cejsh.icm.edu.pl), Columbia International Affairs Online, Cosmos Impact Factor, Directory of Open Access Journals, Electronic Journals Library, ERIH Plus, Gale PowerSearch, Google Scholar, HeinOnline, IBR – International Bibliography of Book Reviews of Scholarly Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, IBZ – International Bibliography of Periodical Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, ICI Journals Master List, International Political Science Abstracts, Open Academic Journals Index, POL-Index (Polska Bibliografia Naukowa) and The Lancaster Index.

 

European Association of Israel Studies Przemysław Turek Artur Skorek Przemysław Zawada Jackob Ericsson Joanna Dyduch table of contents

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Author: Joanna Dyduch
E-mail: joanna.dyduch@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Author: Jacob Ericsson
Institution: University of York (United Kingdom)
Author: Przemysław Zawada
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 161–164
DOI Address: -
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018200_editorial.pdf

Streszczenie:

Dear Readers, this Special Issue of the Polish Political Science Journal on Israel Studies, which we are happy to present, is a result of the cooperation between the European Association of Israel Studies (EAIS), the University of Wrocław, and the Jagiellonian University. The cooperation began at the EAIS 6th Annual Conference on Israel Studies held in September 2017 in Wrocław, Poland. The aim of the conference was to bring together international scholars from a variety of disciplines, who are engaged in research in any aspect of Israel studies – including Politics, Literature, Security, Minorities, Social Studies, History, Economics, Law, Culture, Film, Music, and Art. 

EAIS israeli studies special issue European Association of Israel Studies ediorial Israel

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Author: Mordechai Schenhav
E-mail: mottischenhav@yahoo.fr
Institution: Strasbourg University (France)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 167–187
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018201
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018201.pdf

Streszczenie:

The purpose of this article is twofold. First, to look at the Identity of Israel as both Jewish and democratic State in its Declaration of Independence and the status it acquired over the years within the Constitutional and law system. The second, to examine, through the evolution of the enounced principle of equality in the situation of economic, gender, religious and national minorities, how it was implemented and what has changed after 70 years. From the outset, the Declaration was not given a constitutional status but later the Supreme Court gave it an interpretive quality. With the two Basic Laws on Human Rights, limited as they were, it gave the Supreme Court much more advantage to intervene and impose the Identity of the State as Jewish and democratic in its interpretations of laws in spite of strong criticism and even to influence and criticize the Knesset legislation. However, Israel is still not a true liberal Democracy since the rights within it are determined more according to the ethnic-national religious belonging of the person that according to its citizenship and the principle of equality is only partially adopted in practice with different degrees as regards the various minorities. In some aspects, it even moves away from the original intended Identity of an exemplary liberal Democratic Nation State.

Basic Laws of 1992/94 principle of equality Declaration of Independence Israel’s identity

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Author: Csaba Nikolenyi
E-mail: csaba.nikolenyi@concordia.ca
Institution: Concordia University in Montreal (Canada)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 188–200
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018202
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018202.pdf

Streszczenie:

In 1991, the Knesset passed a package of legislation with the aim of preventing the rampant party switching and defections by elected representatives. At the time of its adoption, the so-called anti-defection law was supported by an all-party consensus. Although the legislation has remained in effect, its apparent continuity conceals the way in which it has become transformed from what was at first an “efficient” institution to a “redistributive” one (Tsebelis 1990). In this paper, I review the development of the Israeli anti-defection law and argue that whereas at the initial moment of its adoption the anti-defection law was considered to benefit all parties in the system, over time it has become an instrument in the hands of the governing coalition to manipulate divisions and engineer further defections among the opposition in order to shore up its often fragile legislative base.

party unity party switching anti-defection law Knesset

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Author: Artur Skorek
E-mail: arturskorek1@gmail.com
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 201–214
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018203
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018203.pdf

Streszczenie:

Israel’s party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the last 9 years, the Likud party has formed three successive governments which have made Benjamin Netanyahu the longest continuously serving prime minister in the history of Israel. Another new occurrence is the preservation of a significant representation of the centre parties for four Knesset terms in the row. The aim of the paper is to verify whether Israel’s party system has departed from the two-blocs bipolar model. Based on the empirical data (election results, government formation, party’s political platforms) it examines whether the parties’ rivalry in the years 2009–2018 differed qualitatively from the previous period. To answer this question the paper investigates three hypotheses. First – Likud has become a dominant party in Israel. Second – a dominant and stable Israeli right-wing parties’ bloc has formed. Third – an enduring and relevant centre sector has emerged in Israel’s party system.

left-wing right-wing center Likud Italian party system Israel

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Author: Paweł Pokrzywiński
E-mail: pa.pokrzywinski@gmail.com
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 215–226
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018204
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018204.pdf

Streszczenie:

Judea and Samaria became a really important element in Israeli right-wing and religious debate following the Six Day War because the State of Israel began to control it militarily and politically and started settling in this area. Nonetheless, Judea and Samaria had a deeper meaning within Religious Zionist ideology and its main representative Mafdal (NRP). After 1967 Religious Zionists were also influenced by the Messianic ideology, thus biblical territories accelerate Redemption. Hence, the NRP insisted on creating and developing Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria, both in leftist and rightist governments. The situation has changed since the Oslo Accords and Sharon’s disengagement from Gaza. Both were shocking for the Religious Zionism camp, the state was no longer a steady defender of Jewish settlements. In 2008 the Mafdal was absorbed by the newly created Habayit Hayehudi (the Jewish Home) which was treated as a hope for Religious Zionism to restore its former glory. The head of the Jewish Home – Naftali Bennett – called his party a real right-wing camp. He is thought to be a representative of settlers but he also tries to widen his electorate with secular citizens. Habayit Hayehudi is the best example of a party which wants to achieve ideas of Religious Zionism in the new political reality after Oslo. The article will analyze the attitude of the Jewish Home party towards Judea and Samaria and the party’s ideological course.

Jewish Home Mafdal Israeli right Naftali Bennett political right Religious Zionism Judea and Samaria

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Author: Arie Krampf
E-mail: arielhan@yahoo.com
Institution: Ben Gurion University of the Negew (Israel)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 227–241
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018205
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018205.pdf

Streszczenie:

Since the early 2000s, Israel has adhered to a particularly virulent strain of economic neoliberalism which has led to an unprecedented rise in nationwide levels of poverty and inequality. Attempts to explain this phenomenon have ignored a key aspect: The need of Israel – and especially its right-wing governments – to create an economic reality that reduces the pressure Israel faces from the international community in the wake of its continued occupation of the territories.

Israel hawkish neoliberalism market nationalism cosmopolitan neoliberalism

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Author: Jitka Pánek Jurková
E-mail: jujitka@gmail.com
Institution: Charles University in Prague (the Czech Republic)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 242–253
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018206
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018206.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper adds to the body of recent scholarly literature that emphasizes the role of domestic publics in public diplomacy – a field until recently examined with only minor attention to the domestic realm. It suggests conducting an analysis of the domestic dimension of public diplomacy on three levels: individual, organizational, and national. By doing so, we are able to understand in a complex manner the environment from which public diplomacy practice grows, and thus also its specific dynamics. Applying this model of analysis to the case of Israel, the paper describes major domestic factors shaping Israeli public diplomacy: the culture of individual engagement (individual level), the clash of organizational ethea of institutions responsible for public diplomacy (organizational level), and the intertwining of public diplomacy and nation-building (national level). The analysis also allows us to better grasp the dilemma faced by Israeli public diplomacy between efficiency and democratic character

Israel public diplomacy Hasbara divided society the domestic dimension of public diplomacy

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Author: Oskar J. Chmie
E-mail: oskar.chmiel@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 254–264
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018207
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018207.pdf

Streszczenie:

While the European Union (EU) does not recognize any legal Israeli sovereignty over the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, it does not grant preferential access to the EU market for goods produced in the Israeli settlements in this area, contrary to the preferential treatment for goods produced in Israel. This situation is different, however, as regards the United States (U.S.) trade policy, which does not make any distinction between goods produced in Israel and in the Occupied Territories, since it grants the preferential access to both. Furthermore, the currently suspended negotiations of the super-regional trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), spurred the enacting of a law that set the principal negotiating objectives of the U.S. regarding commercial partnerships, which included some provisions to discourage politically motivated economic actions against the State of Israel. As TTIP embraced the free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S., the EU differentiation policy could become problematic for the two partners, which despite the failure of the negotiations, revealed much about economic diplomacy. Consequently, this article attempts to show the different approaches adopted by the two trading powers, in order to deal with the dispute over the treatment of products exported to the EU from the Occupied Territories.

European Union Israel Occupied Palestinian Territories the United States trade negotiations TTIP

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Author: Joanna Dyduch
E-mail: joanna.dyduch@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Author: Karolina Olszewska
E-mail: karolina.olszewska@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 265–283
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018208
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018208.pdf

Streszczenie:

Israel is perceived in the international environment as one of the top leaders in innovation. This is proven by the progressively high position of this country in international rankings and the participation of Israeli scientists and technologists in prestigious international programs. In this article, we claim that the aims of Israeli innovation policy, which has the biggest impact on the shape and content of the innovation ecosystem, are highly politicized. The status quo driven by the key assumption of the state strategy, according to which obtaining a competitive predominance in the political international environment will be achieved through economic instruments, primarily technological innovation. Therefore the aim of this article is to critically analyze Israeli innovation policy and the innovation ecosystem, paying special attention to the state interest and the government activities in this realm. For the purpose of this analysis, some basic assumptions of the neoliberal economy redefined by Arie Krampf will be utilized. Furthermore, to better describe and explain the link between politics and economy in the Israeli innovation ecosystem we will refer to the K.N. Waltz considerations on mechanisms of the political and economic system in a globalizing world.

international-political competitiveness R&D research and development hi-tech technology and science innovation ecosystem Israeli innovation policy Israel

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