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Ostatnio dodane

Author: Jakub Bornio
E-mail: jakub.bornio@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 331–345
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018212
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018212.pdf

Streszczenie:

The Euromaidan revolution totally reoriented Ukraine’s policy in both internal and external dimensions. The new Ukrainian authorities facing Russian aggression and domestic instability started to build a new national identity in order to consolidate social cohesion. Due to the fact that Kiev’s new historical narrative glorifies the Ukrainian nationalists from the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who contributed to the Holocaust of Jews and committed mass murders on the representatives of other nationalities, such a  policy may be a  serious obstacle in the context of Ukraine’s external relations. The present article investigates particularly Israeli-Ukrainian relations after the Euromaidan revolution. The article analyses the impact of the new Ukrainian identity on bilateral relations as well as attempting to answer whether or not it may influence Kiev’s cooperation with the European Union. The article contains a brief description of the new identity building process in the post-Euromaidan Ukraine with special consideration of those elements of it, which are related to “Ukrainian Nationalism”.

European Union Ukraine Israel Euromaidan national identity Ukrainian Nationalism historical narrative Holocaust OUN UPA

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Author: Jarosław Jarząbek
E-mail: jaroslaw.jarzabek@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Author: Marcin Szydzisz
E-mail: marcin.szydzisz@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 319–330
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018211
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018211.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper aims to provide an overview of the main streams of perception of Israeli and Palestinian national identities by Polish authorities and society, as well as analyze their sources. The study covers the period of time when both of the national identities took shape, that is since the beginning of the mass Jewish migration to Palestine at the beginning of the XXth century until the present time. As the Jews have for a long time been an important part of Polish history and society, Poles have a strong perception of Jewish, and consequently also Israeli, identity. Polish Jews, who played a crucial role in establishing the Israeli state and shaping Israeli national identity, were treated by many Poles as “our Jews”. This perception was conditioned by internal factors, such as social relations, cultural proximity, historical memory or political views. In contrast, a  perception of the Palestinian identity from the very beginning was conditioned externally, because it resulted from international political developments and a narrative imposed by foreign powers. Another special feature of the Polish perception of Israeli and Palestinian identity is the fact that public opinion very often differs significantly from the political position of state authorities.

national identity Israelis Palestinians perception Polish perspective

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Author: Przemysław Zawada
E-mail: przemyslaw.zawada@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 302–318
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018210
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018210.pdf

Streszczenie:

The tragic years of World War II, followed by the unfriendly communist policy in Poland towards the Jewish community, changed the country from a multicultural into the most homogeneous state in the European Union nowadays. At the same time, Israel, as a meeting place for various cultures, enjoys the influence of inhabitants from nearly all over the world. The dissimilar experiences and problems faced by the governing bodies should influence different approaches to dual citizenship in Poland and Israel. In view of the above, in the presented work the author would like to analyze the issue of the legal approach to dual citizenship both in Poland and in Israel. The main goal of the paper, beyond comparison of the effectiveness of the legislation, is finding the answer to the question: what is the state’s attitude towards the issue of the dual citizenship of their citizens? The hypothesis that the article will verify states, that due to the small number of people with dual citizenship in Poland, Polish legislation devoted to this topic is not extensive and has dissimilarities to the law in Israel, which, in contrast, is more complex and better response to the needs of society. The reason for comparing Poland and Israel is the fact that Polish citizenship has been very popular among the citizens of the Jewish state, especially since 2004 when Poland became a member of the European Union. This issue, in the long run, may be one of the key determinants of Polish-Israeli and Polish-Jewish relations.

international relations legal analysis dual citizenship passport Poland Israel

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Author: Maciej Cesarz
E-mail: maciej.cesarz@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 284–301
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018209
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018209.pdf

Streszczenie:

This article explores the formal impact of various citizenships and travel documents held by Palestinians on their freedom to engage in international travel. Based on a theoretical analysis of passports and the global visa regime, it claims that international recognition is not only pre-requisite of statehood but also affects the scope of mobility in cases of citizens of de facto states, including the Palestinian Authority. The research is focused on the following themes: the status of the population holding a Palestinian Authority Passport in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in comparison to Palestinians who are citizens of Israel and carry passports of this state, the exceptional situation of East Jerusalemites as well as the case of Palestinians with Jordanian passports. Visa availability and other formal barriers for international travel are also examined. The argumentation is supported by the analysis of visa restriction indexes referring to the Palestinian Authority and to Israel. The article concludes that the mobility of Palestinians varies to a large extent depending on travel documents held and the recognition of a citizenship and the passport that comes with it is strictly dependent of the recognition of state sovereignty. Although in some cases citizenship can be divorced from the international recognition, the scope of visa-free mobility related to passports is always impaired.

Palestinian Authority Passport Israeli passport Palestinian mobility Palestinian citizenship visa restrictions State of Palestine recognition

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Author: Joanna Dyduch
E-mail: joanna.dyduch@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Author: Karolina Olszewska
E-mail: karolina.olszewska@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 265–283
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018208
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018208.pdf

Streszczenie:

Israel is perceived in the international environment as one of the top leaders in innovation. This is proven by the progressively high position of this country in international rankings and the participation of Israeli scientists and technologists in prestigious international programs. In this article, we claim that the aims of Israeli innovation policy, which has the biggest impact on the shape and content of the innovation ecosystem, are highly politicized. The status quo driven by the key assumption of the state strategy, according to which obtaining a competitive predominance in the political international environment will be achieved through economic instruments, primarily technological innovation. Therefore the aim of this article is to critically analyze Israeli innovation policy and the innovation ecosystem, paying special attention to the state interest and the government activities in this realm. For the purpose of this analysis, some basic assumptions of the neoliberal economy redefined by Arie Krampf will be utilized. Furthermore, to better describe and explain the link between politics and economy in the Israeli innovation ecosystem we will refer to the K.N. Waltz considerations on mechanisms of the political and economic system in a globalizing world.

international-political competitiveness R&D research and development hi-tech technology and science innovation ecosystem Israeli innovation policy Israel

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Author: Oskar J. Chmie
E-mail: oskar.chmiel@uwr.edu.pl
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 254–264
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018207
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018207.pdf

Streszczenie:

While the European Union (EU) does not recognize any legal Israeli sovereignty over the territories occupied by Israel in 1967, it does not grant preferential access to the EU market for goods produced in the Israeli settlements in this area, contrary to the preferential treatment for goods produced in Israel. This situation is different, however, as regards the United States (U.S.) trade policy, which does not make any distinction between goods produced in Israel and in the Occupied Territories, since it grants the preferential access to both. Furthermore, the currently suspended negotiations of the super-regional trade agreement called the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP), spurred the enacting of a law that set the principal negotiating objectives of the U.S. regarding commercial partnerships, which included some provisions to discourage politically motivated economic actions against the State of Israel. As TTIP embraced the free trade agreement between the EU and the U.S., the EU differentiation policy could become problematic for the two partners, which despite the failure of the negotiations, revealed much about economic diplomacy. Consequently, this article attempts to show the different approaches adopted by the two trading powers, in order to deal with the dispute over the treatment of products exported to the EU from the Occupied Territories.

European Union Israel Occupied Palestinian Territories the United States trade negotiations TTIP

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Author: Jitka Pánek Jurková
E-mail: jujitka@gmail.com
Institution: Charles University in Prague (the Czech Republic)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 242–253
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018206
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018206.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper adds to the body of recent scholarly literature that emphasizes the role of domestic publics in public diplomacy – a field until recently examined with only minor attention to the domestic realm. It suggests conducting an analysis of the domestic dimension of public diplomacy on three levels: individual, organizational, and national. By doing so, we are able to understand in a complex manner the environment from which public diplomacy practice grows, and thus also its specific dynamics. Applying this model of analysis to the case of Israel, the paper describes major domestic factors shaping Israeli public diplomacy: the culture of individual engagement (individual level), the clash of organizational ethea of institutions responsible for public diplomacy (organizational level), and the intertwining of public diplomacy and nation-building (national level). The analysis also allows us to better grasp the dilemma faced by Israeli public diplomacy between efficiency and democratic character

Israel public diplomacy Hasbara divided society the domestic dimension of public diplomacy

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Author: Arie Krampf
E-mail: arielhan@yahoo.com
Institution: Ben Gurion University of the Negew (Israel)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 227–241
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018205
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018205.pdf

Streszczenie:

Since the early 2000s, Israel has adhered to a particularly virulent strain of economic neoliberalism which has led to an unprecedented rise in nationwide levels of poverty and inequality. Attempts to explain this phenomenon have ignored a key aspect: The need of Israel – and especially its right-wing governments – to create an economic reality that reduces the pressure Israel faces from the international community in the wake of its continued occupation of the territories.

Israel hawkish neoliberalism market nationalism cosmopolitan neoliberalism

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Author: Paweł Pokrzywiński
E-mail: pa.pokrzywinski@gmail.com
Institution: University of Wroclaw (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 215–226
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018204
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018204.pdf

Streszczenie:

Judea and Samaria became a really important element in Israeli right-wing and religious debate following the Six Day War because the State of Israel began to control it militarily and politically and started settling in this area. Nonetheless, Judea and Samaria had a deeper meaning within Religious Zionist ideology and its main representative Mafdal (NRP). After 1967 Religious Zionists were also influenced by the Messianic ideology, thus biblical territories accelerate Redemption. Hence, the NRP insisted on creating and developing Jewish settlements in Judea and Samaria, both in leftist and rightist governments. The situation has changed since the Oslo Accords and Sharon’s disengagement from Gaza. Both were shocking for the Religious Zionism camp, the state was no longer a steady defender of Jewish settlements. In 2008 the Mafdal was absorbed by the newly created Habayit Hayehudi (the Jewish Home) which was treated as a hope for Religious Zionism to restore its former glory. The head of the Jewish Home – Naftali Bennett – called his party a real right-wing camp. He is thought to be a representative of settlers but he also tries to widen his electorate with secular citizens. Habayit Hayehudi is the best example of a party which wants to achieve ideas of Religious Zionism in the new political reality after Oslo. The article will analyze the attitude of the Jewish Home party towards Judea and Samaria and the party’s ideological course.

Jewish Home Mafdal Israeli right Naftali Bennett political right Religious Zionism Judea and Samaria

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Author: Artur Skorek
E-mail: arturskorek1@gmail.com
Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
Year of publication: 2018
Source: Show
Pages: 201–214
DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018203
PDF: ppsy/47-2/ppsy2018203.pdf

Streszczenie:

Israel’s party system has been characterized by the bipolar rivalry between the left-wing and right-wing blocks since the late 1970s. In recent years we could have seen at least two trends that seem to diverge from this model. For the last 9 years, the Likud party has formed three successive governments which have made Benjamin Netanyahu the longest continuously serving prime minister in the history of Israel. Another new occurrence is the preservation of a significant representation of the centre parties for four Knesset terms in the row. The aim of the paper is to verify whether Israel’s party system has departed from the two-blocs bipolar model. Based on the empirical data (election results, government formation, party’s political platforms) it examines whether the parties’ rivalry in the years 2009–2018 differed qualitatively from the previous period. To answer this question the paper investigates three hypotheses. First – Likud has become a dominant party in Israel. Second – a dominant and stable Israeli right-wing parties’ bloc has formed. Third – an enduring and relevant centre sector has emerged in Israel’s party system.

left-wing right-wing center Likud Italian party system Israel

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