parliamentary elections

  • The Catholic Church in Poland as an Entity Influencing Parliamentary Elections (1989–2010)

    Various aspects of the term Catholic Church can be considered: theological, sociological, legal or politological. For the purpose of this article the defi nition of the Church as formulated by political science will be essential, although in this discipline various connotations exist. The Church is referred to as a denomination, religious community, an interest group or a political entity. Among authors writing about the Church as a denomination are Wolfgang Ernst Böckenförde and Heindrun Abromeit. Both of them focus on the spiritual-religious aspect of Church activities, at the same time emphasizing that political activity is not the principal aim of the Church. Broader theories of Church activities as an interest group are presented by Carolyn M. Warner and Dietrich Hierlemann. Classifying the Catholic Church as an interest group C.M. Warner claims that this institution makes eff orts to get preferential treatment by political authorities, and its goal is to gain certain resources from the economic and political systems. The Church attempts to lobby democratic governments through political parties and other means, as it intends to have an infl uence on the educational system, impose its moral values on society through legislation, or retain certain tax reliefs. The Church tries to provide its members with certain collective goods (such as answers to moral and philosophical dilemmas), affiliation-based (e.g. cult site), or individual incentives (e.g. sacraments). The Catholic Church, therefore, in addition to an organized religion, can be referred to as an untypical interest group D. Hierlemann similarly states that the Church acts as a representative of interests and a lobbyist that attempts to make infl uential contacts, establish good relations with decision makers and play for resources. The Church acting in the secular sphere is subject to the same priciples as other associations (Verbände). This entity tries to promote its interests in the political process. In reference to theories describing the functioning of associations in the lay-political area we can examine the activities of the Church within the political system. From this perspective D. Hierlemann analyzes various forms of lobbying done by the Catholic Church in Poland.

  • European Parliament Election: Why do Poles not Vote?

    A study of the Euro-barometer performed at the end of January and beginning of February 2009 showed that not even 34% of the surveyed in all the 27 countries of the European Union declares the desire to cast their vote in the approaching election to the Euro-community. 15% of the respondents answered that they would de! nitely not vote in the coming election. The participation in the European Parliament Elections has fallen from election to election. This tendency persists and no signs of improvement of the situation can be seen. In 1994, 56.8% of the entitled to vote participated in the elections in all the member countries. Ten years later, only 45.6% of voters cast their votes. New member countries with low level of interest in European matters have considerably contributed to the fall in the level of legitimisation of the European Parliament.

  • Udział w wyborach Solidarnej Polski Zbigniewa Ziobro w latach 2014–2015

    Analyzes of individual election campaigns in which the Solidarna Polska party took part showed the dominant position of Law and Justice on the right side of the political scene. Jarosław Kaczyński’s party, receiving 37.58% of votes in the parliamentary elections in 2015, as the first after 1989, independently took over the governments. Zbigniew Ziobro’s party undertook program activities and initiatives that would distinguish it from the PiS and contribute to the fact that it would become an alternative to right-wing voters. Unfortunately, she did it without much success. Solidarna Polska managed to win a small electorate, and support not exceeding 5% did not make it a strong party dominating the right and threatening Law and Justice.


      Parliamentary elections in Italy, which took place on 24 – 25 February 2013 in a very specific political circumstances caused by economical crisis and the internal situation of the Italian State.The fall of the Silvio Berlusconi’s government and replacement it with a technical government did not improve the internal situation of the country, and indeed it has deepened. The withdrawal of support by the Popolo della Libertàto the government of Prime Minister Mario Monti has caused the need for early parliamentary elections.
      On the political scene appeared new political parties, including Movimento Cinque Stelle (Five Stars Movement), which stood out from the traditionally corrupt politics and proposed a new form of campaign, using such means as the Internet, blogs, and tour around the country. The new group has also set up outgoing Prime Minister Mario Monti called Scelta Civica (Civic Choice) aided by the smaller parties which were in the Parliament and supported of the European Union austerity policies. In addition, in the election participated the Democratic Party, the Northern League and the Popolo della Libertà (People of Freedom). In total, their participation in the elections reported 215 political parties.
      Elections minimally won leftist Democratic Party with a score of 29.54% (Chamber of Deputies). Surprisingly Popolo dellaLibertà of Silvio Berlusconi received 29.13% (Chamber of Deputies). But the biggest winner was the Five Star Movement, which won 25.55% of the seats, while the biggest loser was the group of Mario Monti, because he received only 10.54% of votes. The result above shows that the creation of the coalition will be very difficult. Political class will have to regain the trust of the society to be able to make the necessary reforms to cure the economical situation of Italy and they should focus on the problems of the country and not the Silvio Berlusconi’s excesses.

  • Preferencje milczącego elektoratu . Straty poparcia komitetów wyborczych w wyniku absencji wyborczej studentów w 2015 roku

    W artykule na podstawie literatury scharakteryzowano aktywność wyborczą najmłodszego elektoratu (18–24 lata) w wyborach parlamentarnych w 2015 roku. Podkreślono znaczenie poparcia młodzieży dla wyników wyborów. Następnie przedstawiono wyniki własnych badań przeprowadzonych na losowo dobranej grupie studentów uniwersytetów w Lublinie i w Olsztynie. Uwagę zwrócono na absencję wyborczą studentów, jej przyczyny oraz na odpowiedź, kogo poparliby w wyborach (i dlaczego), gdyby wzięli w nich udział. Ponieważ niegłosujący (non voters) studenci głównie wskazali komitet wyborczy Kukiz’15 i komitet wyborczy KORWiN, należy uznać, że te dwa ugrupowania najwięcej straciły na braku frekwencji młodych, studenckich wyborców.

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