political theory

  • Polish Political Science Yearbook

    The Polish Political Science Yearbook (PPSY, ISSN 0208–7375) is a leading, open access, peer-reviewed Central European journal on political science, international relations, public policy and security studies, published since 1967 (until 1981 as the Polish Round Table). Currently, it is a joint initiative of the Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz International Cooperation Fund, the Adam Marszałek Publishing House and the Polish Political Science Association. It serves as a forum for academic scholars and professionals. The PPSY aims to present the latest analytical and methodological advancements, as well as to promote current work in Polish political science and Polish studies. It offers research and theoretical papers on comparative politics, international relations, development studies, security studies, public policy & governance, Polish and Central European politics, political theory, political and electoral systems, as well as political communication. The publication is free of charge. The journal does not have article processing charges, editorial charges or printing fees. The Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz Fund and our donors cover all costs of the journal.

     

  • Dynamics and Development Trends of Contemporary Political Theory

    In article, author pay attention to the potential and scope of the impact of new forms of communication on the form and content of theoretical research. In principle, such an effect can be seen in two related, but different dimensions of analysis. In the first place it concerns the scope of the political theory, which is enriched with new areas and issues revealing previously unknown or not perceived problems, phenomena and processes that guide the interests of contemporary researchers. On the other hand, global mass communication techniques significantly shape, and thus change the existing forms of theoretical discourse and the structure of the theory itself. These changes in the perspective of plurality and decentralization of theoretical discourse subjects, as well as the emergence of new research areas which aspire to the status of scientific discipline, gain innovative importance especially from the point of view of the attempts to achieve meta-synthetic accumulation of social knowledge.

  • Debating the Concept of "Good Law"

    Establishing good law has been an old dream of humanity. Back in ancient times leaders such as Hammurabi, Solon, and especially Justinian the Great, and many others, while attempting to codify and reform the law, were driven by the ideal of “good law”. ! is same idea inspired Montesquieu in his De l’esprit des lois (“! e Spirit of the Laws”). Monumental legal acts in Napoleon’s times or the time of German unifi cation, as well as copying these acts into the legal systems of the countries of the Far East, for example, Japan, serve as additional examples on how tempted leaders have been able to implement the idea of “good law”, which, quite frequently, is directly stated in the preamble to leading legal acts.

  • The Struggle Over the Form of the Political System of the Karachay–Circassian Republic Among the Ruling Elites

    Karachay-Circassia, is very small both in the territorial and demographic aspect and is widely considered as one of the most politically unstable state-subjects of the Russian Federation. This instability is implied by a combination of many factors occurring against a relatively stable historical and cultural background. This background consists of: multiethnicity, colonization and sovietization, deportations, migrations, ethnic segmentation of the society, ethno-clanishness, ethnic and territorial conflicts and the geopolitical situation. The latter has often decomposed the natural development of nation-creating and state-creating processes. Moreover, it has also been the main cause of numerous tragedies of the local populace which sometimes has put its very biological existence under threat.

  • Ideological Identification of Medium–Level Party Cadres in Poland

    Ideologies are fundamental in categorising, defi ning and evaluating political reality. They also condition the aims inspiring actors on the political stage, constituting, as it were, a bond providing parties, social groups and societies with sets of values and convictions that unite them. We are now witnessing an evolution of traditional political ideologies, triggered off by new challenges, the changing world order, processes of globalisation and Europeanisation, while political parties in Europe seem to resign from clear–cut ideological identifi cations, opting for the pragmatic, thus maximising their voting scores and, subsequently, efficient management of the public sphere. Politics is ever more frequently perceived as a mere struggle for power, political ideas are seen as slogans serving the purpose of winning votes or popular support, while ideologies have become “goods on display”, hiding deeper meanings of political life. Yet, at the same time ideologies still retain their purpose, infl uencing the functioning of political parties or political communities.

  • On formation of method in political science

    It is widely recognised, that the status of any scientific discipline is vitally determined by its methodological autonomy. These are theoretical rules on the acquirement of information about a given reality, its definitions, systematization, clarification and interpretation. It is a specific challenge with regards to political science, which stems from the subject of knowledge, the politics. This realm is known to humanity from the onset of structure-shaping and institutionalisation of social life, and since ancient times attempts at its theoretical clarification are being undertaken. It has taken an important place within philosophical thought, historical and legal analysis. This reality led to political science becoming an integrating platform for knowledge from areas of political and social philosophy, law, economy, history. This integration has made cognitive challenges superficial and as a consequence raised such questions as: is political science a scientific discipline? The unfavourable image was revealed as it was included in broad process of political education of society.

  • The participation of women in politics. Deliberations on the gender parity bill

    Male politicians are becoming increasingly aware of the fact that women have great power. Girls account for 50% of the population of school students. Women seem to be much better at handling the financial crisis than men. The recession primarily aftected the masculine part of business – widespread layoffs hit typically male industries, such as cars, tobacco, financial services. In the U.S., men account for 80% of people who lost jobs as the result of the recent crisis. Moreover, it is women that make most decisions relating to household expenses. They are also more inclined to save up for future. They typically spend money on things like education, healthcare, food and cosmetics. They also invest in their children’s future. At present, women have about $10.5 trillion at their disposal, while men have approximately $23.4 trillion. However, this disproportion is still getting smaller. The past decade saw the distance between these two worlds constantly diminish. Women control $12 trillion out of $18.4 trillion spent by consumers every year. Moreover, the increasing number of working women – as Michael J. Silverstein points – means that their income is increasing. 

  • The Anti–systemness of the Protest Parties

    Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.

  • The Paradox of Politics Revisited

    The conviction that particularly political sphere abounds in permanent paradoxes, that they constitute its inherent attributes, was already familiar to political philosophy classics, although they expressed them in different ways. “The paradoxical mix of order and chaos compelled the Greeks to seek out more creative, inclusive and reflexive modes of thought and action”. One of them, Socrates, talked about “the true political craft”, that is a rejection of politics, and at the same time, its admission. The paradoxical features of politics that arise from human nature were examined by Thomas Hobbes. Jean-Jacques Rousseau observed the paradoxes that underlie the act of free will declaration. Carl Schmitt paid attention to the internal paradox of democracy, pointing out that despite the conditions of declared citizens equality, the policy is dominated by inequalities deriving from other spheres, particularly economy.

  • Religion and Democracy: Points of Agreement, Points of Controversy

    Introductorily, it should be observed that the discussed problem’s significance is increasingly pressing as our interest drifts towards societies dominated by great, universalizing religions Islam being only one of them. From the above, a question arises of whether the notions of religion and democracy, as mentioned in the title, are reconcilable within a single order in the first place. In his deliberations, Bohdan Chwedeńczyk inclines to the view that three types of relations may be distinguished in this respect: religion favours democracy; is indifferent to democracy; or is harmful to democracy. The discussion of the above opinion has, respectively, developed threefold. In one point of view, religion is by nature contradictory to the democratic order, it is in a sense its direct opposite. In other words, we face a choice of opting either for religion or democracy. Supporters of an alternative viewpoint claim that in the long run, a democratic system is not viable without the basis of notions such as religion, and therefore religion does play a vital part in the social order. It serves members of the public by satisfying those of their needs that do not belong to the scope of duties performed by the state and its institutions. Finally, the third approach basically acknowledges the fact that no definitive claims can be made as to the possibility of agreement between religion and democracy. I must admit that the latter is closest to my personal stance in this respect. Naturally, through careful selection of examples, arguments to support the first or the second of the mentioned opinions can be easily produced. There have been numerous examples of academic and journalistic articles advocating one of the clear-cut standpoints, which seem not to leave much room for discussion. However, the issue becomes far more multifarious when taking into account the complexity of religious and political issues analysed in both theoretical and practical perspective.

  • Koncepcja Sustainability - stań badań w świetle literatury przedmiotu

    The article presents the essence of the sustainability concept in the light of literature, including history and development in later years, and definitions published by scientists from Poland and the rest of the world. This publication also presents a study on the rapid growth in popularity of this concept in the world and examples of implementation of sustainability in companies.

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