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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 1 grudnia 2021 r.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pkt.
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pkt.
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pkt.
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pkt.
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pkt.
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pkt.
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pkt.
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pkt.
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pkt.
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pkt.
  • Azja Pacyfik. Społeczeństwo. Polityka. Gospodarka – 40 pkt.
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pkt.
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pkt.
  • Reality of Politics. Estimates-Comments-Forecasts – 40 pkt.
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pkt.
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pkt.
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pkt.
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pkt.

Czasopisma

Nowe czasopisma

Czasopisma współwydawane

Wcześniej wydawane

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Author: Mirosław Banasik
Institution: Jan Kochanowski University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9358-1240
Published online: 30 July 2022
Final submission: 15 July 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 11
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202237
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202237.pdf

Streszczenie:

This article presents the research results, which set out to explain the mechanisms leading to the achievement of dominance by the Russian Federation in the international security environment. In the research process, the systemic approach was applied. Analysis and criticism of the literature, non-participatory observation and case study elements were used to solve the research problems. As a result, it was determined that the theoretical basis for the Russian Federation's achievement of international dominance is the concept of new generation war. The model of the strategic influence of the Russian Federation is directed at the shaping of the security environment and includes the synchronisation of kinetic and non-kinetic measures, indirect and direct effects, the blurring of the boundaries between war and peace and the application of pressure and aggression. The Russian Federation achieves strategic dominance through asymmetry, chaos, reflexive control, and strategic deterrence. Armed forces provide a key role in asserting dominance, focused on conducting offensive activities and inflicting losses with conventional and nuclear weapons.

Strategic dominance Russian Federation international security armed forces new generation war

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Author: Elżbieta Posłuszna
Institution: Lotnicza Akademia Wojskowa (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8652-5729
Published online: 25 July 2022
Final submission: 18 February 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 12
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202235
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202235.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper characterises contemporary fighting anarchism from the ideological, tactical, and organisational perspectives. An analysis is carried out that examines the activities of the groups revoking insurrectionism, which today entails three ideological trends, namely social, individualistic (illegalism), and ecological. In the author’s intention, the characteristics should serve practical goals, i.e., forming a prognosis regarding the phenomenon's future and drawing possible ways to counteract its proliferation in a further perspective. Contemporary anarchism, due to its intellectual allure (liberationist individualism), broadening the scope of its goals (with the liberation of non-human beings), adopting loose organisational forms, as well as employing the leaderless resistance strategy and swarming, is a phenomenon that has significant development potential. The development of anarchism, due to ongoing socio-political processes (the collapse of the existing mechanisms of social control and political representation, globalisation, informatisation) and the widely spreading ideology of individualism will lead to, as it seems, progressive radicalism, both in ideology and used methods.

anarchism insurrectionist anarchism Conspiracy of Cells of Fire leaderless resistance liberational violence

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Author: Kamil Pietrasik
Institution: Towarzystwo Azji i Pacyfiku (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8579-0659
Published online: 25 July 2022
Final submission: 12 May2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 3
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202234
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202234.pdf

Streszczenie:

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Author: Rafał Willa
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1373-3823
Author: Agnieszka Szpak
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1373-3823
Published online: 25 July 2022
Final submission: 17 June 2022
Printed issue: 2023
Source: Show
Page no: 18
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202233
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202233.pdf

Streszczenie:

The authors examine the threats from hazardous toxic materials from World War II wrecks sunk in the Baltic Sea and their cargo of chemical ammunition, indicate Poland’s reaction to this situation, and map out Polish obligations in this regard. This problem gives rise to multiple uncertainties about the exact nature of threats to environmental/ecological security, marine security, human security (including health security), economic security and food safety. The authors also elaborate on legal regulations relevant in this context. The research methods include formal-institutional analysis of relevant legal documents and discourse analysis. The main conclusions are: 1. toxic materials in the Baltic Sea threaten ecological, economic, human and security; 2. food safety in all Baltic states might be endangered; Poland should accede to the Nairobi Wreck Removal Convention; and Poland should cooperate regionally to resolve the problem of the Baltic chemical waste.

Baltic Sea chemical weapons chemical waste wrecks international law Poland

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Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus Univeristy (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
Published online: 25 July 2022
Final submission: 4 May 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 9
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202202
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202202.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article analyses political opposition toward the date of presidential elections and conducting them in the correspondence form on May 10, 2020, in Poland. The study is embedded in the theories of quasi-militant democracy and the emergence of social movements. The method used in the study is the qualitative analysis of media messages of the main news websites in Poland. Mainly in terms of the activity and arguments of citizens against the elections in the form of correspondence. The presidential elections revealed the imperious relationship between the government and citizens in Poland’s becoming quasimilitant democracy. The emphasis was on the elements regarding the organisation of elections on May 10 that could impact a social movement’s emergence. The most significant role in stopping the May 10 elections was played by institutional opposition in the form of local self-governments’ civil disobedience and the Senate’s action, which efficiently blocked the party’s initiative. The article accounts for how election matters determined the social mobilisation and activity of the new social movement. This paper’s main finding is that institutional opposition may prevail over the social one in the pandemic.

Presidential Elections Poland quasi-militant democracy social movements emergence contentious politics

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Author: Szymon Ostrowski
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3592-4409
Published online: 20 July 2022
Final submission: 22 June 2022
Printed issue: September 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 2
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202232
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202232.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book Review: Elżbieta Proń, International Institutions in China’s Foreign Policy: The Case of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2021, pp. 303.

Author: Katarzyna Świerszcz
Institution: The Military University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1819-6705
Published online: 15 July 2022
Final submission: 22 April 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 20
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202231
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202231.pdf

Streszczenie:

This article aims to present the state of air quality treated as a measure of the state of quality of local environmental safety, based on the research conducted in the town of Barlinek. This information is necessary to identify the areas that require action to improve air quality (to reduce the concentration of pollutants). The main factors that inspired the author to address this issue are, first of all, the continuous high level of air pollution, despite the actions taken to reduce it; secondly, the lack of precise, clear indicators and measures of such deprivation that applies to a major part of the territory of Poland that would take into account the individual national context; thirdly, the need to identify the main factors that determine this phenomenon in the specific context of Poland. Other factors include the need to consider the requirement for Poland as a member state of the EU to participate in reducing air pollution to an appropriate extent; and, finally, the need to develop and implement integrated 10-year National Energy and Climate Plans (NECP) for the years 2021–2030 with a long-term perspective to the year 2050, as well as long-term renovation strategies to improve the accuracy of eliminating air pollution. The research problem focuses on three issues: presenting the current national and European criteria of ecological safety for air pollution, identifying the indicators and measures that enable the determination of air pollution levels, and presenting the local air pollution level based on the selected example. The research problem discussed in the article is empirical. Analytical/synthetic, qualitative and quantitative methods were used to provide a more in-depth analysis of the problem, and conclusions were drawn.

ecological safety air pollution indicators air pollution measures low emission heat poverty

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Author: Danylo Stonis
Institution: Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica (Slovak Republic)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4771-0144
Published online: 15 July 2022
Final submission: 15 June 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 22
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202230
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202230.pdf

Streszczenie:

In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) turned 20 years old. With “Shanghai Spirit” as its guiding principle, the scope of SCO’s activity has significantly expanded, recently adding India and Pakistan to its members. As a result, SCO policy has heavily influenced the Central Asia region. In response, in 2019, the EU launched a new strategy for Central Asia, adopting “connectivity” as its core concept. As a result, both SCO and EU strategies in Central Asia tend to conflict with each other, thus leading to uneven and inconsistent development of the region. Therefore, this paper aims to identify contradictions between SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” guiding principle and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” by comparing the SCO and EU strategies toward Central Asia. The methodology in the paper involves a qualitative comparative method, including two qualitative case studies, represented by the SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” in their strategies on Central Asia. The article concludes that contestation between the SCO and the EU policies in Central Asia impedes stable development of the region, and therefore, a compromise between both policies in Central Asia is suggested.

European Union connectivity Central Asia Shanghai Cooperation Organisation Shanghai Spirit

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Author: Ryszard Franciszek Ławniczak
Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8085-8618
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 8
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202229
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202229.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper aims to evaluate the sources of Russia’s soft power as a tool which should enable to integrate more closely Belarus with Russia. The research question is the following: what are Russia’s main sources of attractiveness, and what kind of instruments of soft power is the Russian government applying to achieve that aim? To what extent was this soft policy successful? The author applied the qualitative research method. It is inductive and allows the researcher to explore meanings and insights of the notion of “soft power” applied by Russia in its foreign policy toward Belarus. Its basis lies in the interpretive approach to the present reality of Russia – Belarus political and economic relations and in evaluating Russian efforts to integrate its closest neighbour using only non-military means.

soft power hard power information warfare Belarus Russia

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Author: Kerry Anne Longhurst
Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4710-2640
Author: Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1677-986X
Author: Katarzyna Skiert-Andrzejuk
Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4451-5092
Published online: 15 July 2022
Final submission: 16 March 2022
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 13
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202228
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202228.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.

Central Asia higher education Russia China European Union soft power

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