The republican system from the perspective of the century of the March Constitution of 1921

The main purpose of this article is to show the evolution of the understanding of the republican form of government in the Republic of Poland. This analysis concerns not only the legal regulation of this constitutional principle, but also refers to changes in the views of the constitutional doctrine on the perception of the republican principle, including its components. Discrepancies in the perception of the principle of the republican form of government among researchers were and are significant, which shows that for over 100 years of an independent Polish State, these disputes are still vigorous. The aforementioned differences in the interpretation of the republican principle concern primarily the material elements of this principle, revealing the relationship between the republican system and other principles of the system, first of all the principle of the sovereignty of the people (the nation), the principle of the separation of powers and the principle defining the system of government. For this reason, it becomes necessary to decode these rules in a way that respects the republican traditions. and, consequently, in a way that allows the implementation of the values that underpin the creation of the republican system, not so much as a negation of the monarchy, but as an alternative form to it.

President of the Republic of Poland – reflections on the 100th anniversary of the institution

The author presents the historical regulation of the President in the Polish constitutional law of the period 1918–1939. He shows the evolution and specific features of the institution, from the office of the Chief of State in years 1918–1922, through the limited regulation of the President in the Constitution of 1921 and its amendment of 1926, to the original concept of the head of state in the polish Constitution of 1935. The author notes the visible, sometimes negative impact of personal conditions on the regulations contained in the constitutions of the Second Republic, as well as the importance of Polish tradition for the process of creating and the content of the currently binding Constitution of 1997.

In search of an optimal model of the Council of Ministers – a hundred years of experience

Since Poland regained independence in 1918, there have been several constitutional acts in force (constitutions and the so-called “small constitutions”). Each of them contained provisions defining the scope of government activity, its structure, the mechanisms of appointing and dismissing cabinet members, as well as the principles of accountability. The paper outlines the way in which these issues have been developing over the past 100 years and to what extent the current solutions constitute the continuation of the solutions of the Constitution of 17 March 1921.

Everything has already been done, i.e. the heritage of the Polish parliamentarism of the 20th century

The Article is an attempt to evaluate the experiences of Polish parliamentarism in the twentieth century. The author analyzes Polish constitutional regulations and parliamentary practice, with a particular focus on the solutions adopted in the years 1919–1935, as well the impact of these regulations on the evolution of Polish parliamentarism after the Second World War, also taking into account the current political experiences. The analysis leads the author to the conclusion, that the contemporary defects of the system of parliamentary government are to a large extent the result of the historical experiences of Polish parliamentarism.

Functioning of the parliamentary opposition during the period of the Constitution of 1921 and 1997 – selected issues

This article is a jubilee text, intended to celebrate the centenary of the adoption and entry into force of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1921. The author discusses the issues of the functioning of the parliamentary opposition in two historical periods of the 2nd and 3rd Republic of Poland, analyzing legal regulations and political mechanisms. Due to the limited volume framework of this study, this analysis has been limited to some issues only. Their selection was primarily determined by the similarities in the sphere of normative and political phenomena that can be noticed in both epochs. Hence, the article includes topics related to: the legal basis and the normative concept of the functioning of the parliamentary opposition, the impact of the parliamentary opposition on the appointment of positions in the internal organizational apparatus of the Sejm, relations between the parliamentary opposition and the Marshal of the Sejm, the levels of rivalry and cooperation between the parliamentary opposition and the ruling camp. The author’s argument leads to a bitter reflection that the existing parliamentary system has still not freed itself from the ballast of the past and is far from a system adhering to the developed standards of protection of the rights of the opposition that exist in modern countries.

100 years of defining the Polish model of “separation” of the judiciary – what we had, what we have and what we might want to have

The subject of the study is an analysis of over a hundred years of practice defining the role and political position of courts in Poland. The verification will be subject to compliance in the practice of exercising power not only with constitutional provisions (or indicating the reasons and consequences of their omission), but also with other regulations that accompany the creation and application of specific legal solutions in the context of guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary. At the same time, the assessment of the adopted solutions in terms of respect for the standards developed by international bodies for the protection of individual freedoms and rights and EU bodies was taken into account.

Freedoms and rights of the individual in the hundredyear perspective of Polish constitutionalism

The hundredth anniversary of the adoption of the March Constitution provides an opportunity to trace the constitutional regulations regarding the freedoms and rights of an individual in the time perspective of the age of Polish constitutionalism. The study undertook the procedure of presenting the evolution of catalogs of freedoms and rights of an individual proper to successive Polish constitutional regulations, taking into account the issue of guarantees of these freedoms and rights and the implementation of European tools in this field. The author proves the thesis about the fundamental lack of continuity of the solutions in the field of individual freedom and rights contained in the March Constitution in the 100-year perspective of Polish constitutionalism. He also points out that the history of shaping the constitutional status of an individual in republican Poland is characterized by a systemic and conceptual discontinuity.

Territorial self-government as a pillar of the democratic state – reflections on the idea of local self-government in the light of the self-governing traditions of the Second Republic of Poland

Territorial self-government has been widely analyzed in Polish literature of the interwar period. At that time, its three theories were formulated: naturalistic, state and political. The first one contrasted the self-government with the state, stressing that municipality is historically older than the latter and, as a result, independent; it is the state that derives its powers from the municipality, and not conversely. The second theory advanced a thesis that state power is exercised by state authorities, including through local communities with a separate legal status. Self-governance was thus to be expressed in the idea of decentralizing public authority. Although it identified self-government with state administration, the third theory demanded that self-governmental powers be exercised by independent officials, regarding their independence as a guarantee of effective exercise of the powers attributed to self-government. Investigations made at that time into the essence, nature, and form of self-government remained valid until the present day, determining democratic values as the basis for territorial self-government’s status in the current Constitution of Poland.

Considerations on the introduction of the constitutional control of the law in the era of the March Constitution – reconstruction of the discourse

The subject of the article is the reconstruction and explanation of the considerations on the failure to introduce the constitutional control of the law in the era of the March Constitution. It is argued that this was an issue noticeable by participants in legal and political relations, which was repeated during the period when it was in force, in particular after 1926 – due to the progressive abuse of the law and the fascization of political relations. Representatives of the doctrine of constitutional law are assigned a special role in promoting the importance of the control of the law for the process of building the rule of law. In this context the thesis of the article is as follows: the attitude to the control of the constitutionality of the law was not politically indifferent. It is argued that it was primarily the right-wing formations that opted for it, while the left-wing formations were against it.

Towards the improvement of laws – a few remarks on institutional solutions in the 100th anniversary of the adoption of the March Constitution

The aim of the study is an attempt to recall, in the 100th anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of March 17, 1921, institutions serving the improvement of legislation. These included, in different scales and conditions, the Codification Committee, the Senate, and the Legal Council. The hundredth anniversary of the enactment of the March Constitution invites us to reflect on these institutions. Many papers by the late professor Jacek Czajowski dealt with the institutions established on its basis; they concerned the organization and functioning of the Senate as a “chamber of reflection and consideration” in particular. In the study dedicated to his memory, we make reference to these papers. The discussed institutional solutions are important not only from a historical point of view, but also from the perspective of optimization of the created law.

Foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. Considerations in the context of the March constitution and the constitution of 1997

The aim of the study is to analyze the constitutional solutions concerning the conduct of foreign policy by the Republic of Poland. The areas of consideration will include solutions that functioned under the rule of the March constitution, as well as solutions that were enshrined in the binding constitution of 1997. The analysis of the current solutions will also include issues related to European policy. The aim of the article is to present and compare the solutions contained in the March constitution and the constitution of 1997. The solutions functioning under each of the analyzed constitutions assume the primacy of one of the executive authorities in the field of conducting the state’s foreign policy. The analysis of individual solutions in this respect leads to the conclusion that the burden of conducting foreign policy by the president under the March constitution was transferred under the 1997 constitution to the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister.

Basic presumptions in the judicial election verification process in a democratic state

The election verification process, understood as checking the correctness of their course within the legally prescribed framework, is an essential element of the election procedure in a democratic state. This process in a relatively short period of time, must lead to the declaration of validity or nullity of the elections, which is necessary for confirming or contradicting the democratic legitimacy of elected representatives of power. The complexity of the elections translates into the complexity of the process of their verification, which, in order to simplify it, leads to the use of legally established presumptions in it. The aim of this study is the theoretical analysis of the basic election presumptions of democratic states, i.e. the presumption of validity of elections and the presumption of constitutionality of the election procedure, taking into account the systemic dangers related to their incorrect application.

Normative model for the verification of municipal elections’ validity – analysis based on the jurisprudence

The democratic electoral process implies the existence of mechanisms that verify the elections’ validity. In Poland, competence in this area has been entrusted to the courts. The assessment of the elections’ validity is based on the rules deriving from the binding provisions of law. The purpose of this article is to discuss the claim that the model for verifying the validity of local elections, which is shaped by the normative regulations and the jurisprudence, is characterised by a significant, perhaps excessive, degree of restrictiveness. The rigorous provisions determine the course of interpretation thereof. In practice, it means that the presumption of elections’ validity is enhanced. This analysis of the provisions of law and selected court judgments will allow for the formulation of final conclusions regarding the current model for verification of the municipal elections’ validity.

Verification of the validity of nationwide elections in Poland

The article discusses the procedure for verifying the validity of nationwide elections in Poland. The author draws attention to the important role attributed to elections as an essential element of the democratic system and the need to preserve the will expressed by the sovereign in voting. Verification of elections in Poland is carried out by the Supreme Court, in a two-stage procedure involving issuing an opinion on the election protests lodged and then passing a resolution on the validity of the elections. The author draws attention to the narrow and formalistic interpretation of legal norms in the course of issuing a resolution on the validity of elections.

Parliamentary proposals for the implementation of direct starosts and province marshals elections

Out of the executive bodies of a local self-government, only the voits (mayors, presidents of cities) are elected in direct elections, whereas on the poviat and voivodeship level, we are dealing with collective management boards, the members of which are chosen indirectly by the council of the poviat, and by the voivodeship sejmik (a regional assembly). However, this issue is not discussedparticularly frequently, in parliamentary practice there have been attempts at introducing direct elections of starosts andvoivodeship marshals, which are justified by the need of strengthening the degree of social legitimization for such offices, as well as forharmonizing the regulations which are applicable on all local government levels. The goal of this article was to proceed with a critical analysis of the projects which have been submitted within this scope, as well as to answer the question: which conditions should be met so that the introduction of a fundamental change in the starost and voivodeship martial election procedure could be assessed positively.

(Dis)proportionality of the Polish Local Elections

Studies on disproportionality of proportional electoral systems proves prove that district magnitude is a key variable determining deviations from proportionality in election results. This paper will shows how district magnitude affects electoral disproportionality by employing empirical data from Polish local elections in 2018. The analysis will prove that Polish “proportional” electoral system to local councils leads to highly disproportional results.

Committees of inquiry in interwar Poland (1919–1939)

Committees of inquiry are an important element of parliamentary oversight of the executive. In Poland, this institution also has a long tradition, although it was shaped twice over the course of a century from the beginning, under completely different system conditions. Our article aims to present the regulations and activities of such committees in the period – before and after the adoption of the 1921 Constitution. A closer look at the regulations and practice from the twenty-year period will allow for a better understanding of the regulation and functioning of the committees of inquiry provided for in Art. 111 of the Constitution of 1997, created – as its preamble declares – “in reference to the best traditions of the First and Second Polish Republic”.

Search for Analogies of the Reform of the Legislative Chambers 1921–1935, 1997–?

An article devoted to the parliament during the existence of the March Constitution of 1921, and comparing its similarities with the Constitution of 2nd April 1997 in terms of the political system and its functioning. Based on the provisions of both constitutions and the practice, the author has undertaken to comment on the existing analogies and the possible need to amend the currently binding constitution.

Parliamentary intervention – a necessary, superfluous or harmful institution? An attempt to answer

The aim of the article is to point out doubts about the model assumptions and the functioning of the right to parliamentary intervention. As part of the solutions adopted in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland (including the requirement to represent the nation under a free mandate and the principle of the separation of powers) any actions taken by representatives of power in the individual and not public interest, allowing interference (or informal pressure) in the normatively defined mechanisms or procedures of decision-making (by public authorities, and even more so in the field of business), can be seen as a threat to the standards of a democratic rule of law. The authors outlining potential threats postulate changes leading to the limitation or abolition of the institution of parliamentary intervention.

The right to petition as an instrument for the development of the Senate’s legislative activity

This article presents the issue of the right to petition as a social tool influencing legislative proceedings in the Senate. The considerations begin with an analysis of the legal norms regulating the institution in the presented scope. Some suggestions for changes have also been made with the aim of improving the quality of the petition process. Practice shows that this instrument of social participation is an important source of inspiration for the creation of the Senate’s legislative initiative, but it could be used even more effectively. In the context of the principle of national sovereignty, the principle of a democratic state ruled by law and social dialogue, it is extremely important to give the institution of petition a substantial shape and ensure it has a real influence on the legislative process.

Some remarks about the Cabinet reconstrucion in Poland

The article provides the analysis of the current regulations about changing the organisation and composition of the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) in Poland. In light of the Constitution of Poland of 1997, the Prime Minister is responsible for the composition and overall organisation of the Cabinet and the allocation of functions between ministers according to the Branches of Government Administration Bill. In addition, the head of government has a certain margin of discretion in delivering the Cabinet reconstructions and the Machinery of Government changes. The Sejm plays a small role in this matter, however the consent of the parliament is necessary to change the Branches of Government Administration Bill.

Security problem in selected polish constitutions

The Republic of Poland is a democratic state ruled by law, and the normative basis of its functioning is legal acts of the highest order – the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997. The Basic Law has the highest rank and force among all sources of universally binding law. In the constitution, the legislator granted certain norms the status of constitutional principles, which are fulfilled by the function of program norms while being the basis for the interpretation of other regulations. Among the constitutional principles, the obligation to ensure the safety of citizens was distinguished. The article in general presents the problem of security not only in the currently binding constitution, but also in selected other Polish constitutions.

Human rights in the constitutions of selected European countries

Nowadays human rights are an essential part of constitutional regulations in the European countries. The very first universal regulation based on the rights of every citizen, was The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen set in 1789. Analysed constitutions of France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Latvia, Bohemia, Slovakia and Poland point to the developments of rights of individuals through expanding these rights from the rights of the citizens to the rights of every person on the territory of a particular country. Obviously, the rights concerning exclusively the citizens of a particular country, like for example the right to vote, have still been maintained. A modern catalogue of rights and freedoms of individuals is abundant and expanded by, for example, the right to the constitutional complaint or the right to a clear environment. Nowadays the human rights standards are widely recognised though not always respected. This results from the legal and political practise, in which the scope of the rights of individuals is still being narrowed. One of the reasons are ideological and political changes in particular countries, which are being enforced with the development of civilisation and technology.

Regulation of emergency states in the Republic of Estonia and the COVID-19 pandemic

There are two types of emergency states distinguished by the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia: state of emergency and state of war. They have been sparsely regulated at the level of the Constitution, leaving detailed issues to statutory regulation. The decision in this regard requires the cooperation of parliament with the authorities of executive power, i.e. the president and the government. The threat to the health and lives of citizens posed by a coronavirus pandemic is not a circumstance justifying the imposition of a state of emergency, let alone a state of war as stipulated in §§128–129 of the Constitution. Thus, the Estonian authorities in March 2020 decided to apply the mechanism of §87 section 8 of the Constitution.

The operation of the Constitutional Court in Albania as a determinant of the EU accession process

The place of the Constitutional Court in Albania’s political system, the significance attributed to this institution and most of all the possibilities of fulfilment of its constitutional role are the subject of the analysis taken up in this paper. It addresses in particular the impact of the manner of operation of the Constitutional Court in the context of Albania’s European aspirations. Moreover, the study emphasises a thesis that Albania’s efforts to obtain membership of the European Union have been an essential element strengthening the process of Albania’s political, social and economic transformation.

Professional Secrecy of Lawyers as a Way to Protect the Private Sphere of an Individual

The private sphere of an individual is legally protected by the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 as well as civil, criminal and administrative law. The paper discusses the duty of confidentionality of lawyers and the role of that duty to protect the private sphere of an individual. The positive aspect of professional secrecy and the so-called internal aspect of the protection of professional secrecy of lawyers prompted the consideration of the horizontal effect of onstitutional norms. Likewise, the negative aspect of professional secrecy and its external perspective prompted the examination of the vertical effect of onstitutional norms that protect the private sphere of an individual.

Freedom of assembly in times of a pandemic. Israeli experiences

Freedom of assembly is an essential element in modern democracies, also during emergency situations. The time of the pandemic is an example of the use of various restriction mechanisms of human rights. The Israeli case is worth discussing because as in other democratic states the political internal crises overlap with the pandemic emergency regulations and tensions between parliament and executive branch in law-making.

The political position of the chairman on the example of the houses of the Congress of the United States of America

This article is devoted entirely to the institution of the President on the example of the Congress of the United States of America. The office of the chairman, whose competence is to conduct deliberations, is characteristic of bodies with a collegial structure. This applies especially to those of them whose composition consists of more than a few persons. The author of the article focus on all aspects concerning this office. In the first part there is a brief characterization of the models of the institution of the speaker of parliament, as well as a historical outline of this institution. In the next part an author present the systemic position of the presiding officers of the chambers of the American Parliament.

A few remarks on the political position of the Argentine National Congress

The content of these short reflections contained in the article is the issue of the political position of the Argentine National Congress. In it, the author analyzes those regulations of the constitution which define the place and role of the lrgislative body within the presidential system of government. It focuses primarily on presenting the status of the parliament in the light of constitutional principles of the system in particular the principle of separation of powers. He then points to the mutual relations between the National Congress and the executive branch which are decisive for the effective status of the federal parliament. At the same time, he tries to show the impact of the 1994 revision of the constitution on the political position of the National Congress, which resulted in the introduction of certain elements of the parliamentary system of government into the political system of Argentina.

Senate of the Republic of Poland – second chamber or secondary chamber?

The Polish model of bicameralism assumes the lack of symmetry between the chambers. Certainly, a stronger position in the procedure of adopting laws can be attributed to the Sejm (first chamber), and a weaker position to the Senate (second chamber). An analogous domination of the Sejm cannot be discussed in the case of changes to the constitution, ratification of international agreements, or the election to perform state functions indicated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. It should be noted that the relations between the chambers of the Polish parliament are subject to changes. The actual relations between the first and second chambers depend to a large extent on the currently binding provisions of the electoral law, the results of the elections based on them, and the formation of a certain majority in the Sejm and Senate.