Author: Krzysztof Eckhardt
E-mail: krzysztofeckhardt@gmail.com
Institution: WSPiA Rzeszowska Szkoła Wyższa
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 143-165
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.09
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3909.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article discusses the function of early termination of the Parliamentary term consisting of searching for the most effective Parliamentary majority. It was presented in the light of regulations adopted in constitutional law of Ukraine. A mark of lack of positive majority is usually the inability of the Parliament to create the new government. The Constitution of Ukraine provides one more criterion. There was introduced, characteristic only for this state, the institution of legal forcing to create the institutionalized coalition of fractions of deputies covering most of the constitutional composition of the Parliament, under threat of dissolving it by President. The author analyses the effectiveness of this solution in the systemic practice of Ukraine.

większość parlamentarna frakcje parlamentarne skrócenie kadencji Konstytucja Ukrainy parlament,

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Author: Agnieszka Gajda
E-mail: agnieszka.gajda@ug.edu.pl
Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 167-181
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.10
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3910.pdf

Streszczenie:

The control function of the Sejm does not imply that it has the power to directly control the armed forces. Control powers may be exercised only against certain civilian authorities authorized to control and direct the armed forces, such as the Council of Ministers or the Minister of National Defense. It is the responsibility of the government to ensure the external security of state and the general direction of defense in the country. The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces is appointed and dismissed by the President of the Republic of Poland at the request of the President of the Council of Ministers, only during the time of war. He is subordinated to the President of the Republic of Poland. That implies the existence of subordinated position between those authorities. Therefore, the Author of this paper is wondering whether the right to indictment against of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces to constitutional charges to the Tribunal of State shall be within competences of Sejm. Such competence of the Sejm may be interpreted as a mechanism for assessment of the activity of the President himself, which in the light of the constitutional principles of division of powers is not allowed.

funkcji kontrolna Sejmu Naczelny Dowódca Sił Zbrojnych Trybunał Stanu odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna

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Author: Krzysztof Grajewski
E-mail: prakg@ug.edu.pl
Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 183-199
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.11
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3911.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article discusses the issue of termination of office of a person appointed to the National Council of the Judiciary by the President of the Republic of Poland. The conclusions state that the term of office of this person is directly dependent on the President’s term of office. It expires not later than three months after the end of the President’s term of office, regardless of the reasons for the President’s termination of his office.

Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej Krajowa Rada Sądownictwa

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Author: Marek Jarentowski
E-mail: m.jarentowski@uksw.edu.pl
Institution: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 201-223
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.12
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3912.pdf

Streszczenie:

Constitutional courts, in order to perform their function of the constitutional review, should be independent of the creator of that law. Independence can be operationalized as a mechanism for filling and changing the composition of courts as defined in the legislation, and also as a difficulty in changing these rules. In this perspective one can describe the extent of independence of the Polish constitutional court against the background of courts in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe. It can be said that there is a field to increase the independence of the Polish court, eg by increasing the diversity of entities entitled to fill the court or by introducing regular rotation in the positions of the judges at specific dates (instead of individual mandates). But the greatest degree of court independence threatens, compliant with constitution or inconstitutional interference in the composition and constitutional court system, done in the interest of the ruling majority that makes this interference.

Europa Środkowa i Wschodnia niezależność sądów sądy konstytucyjne

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Author: Artur Trubalski
E-mail: artur.trubalski@gmail.com
Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 225-240
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.13
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3913.pdf

Streszczenie:

The aim of article is to analyze the possibility of a formal transposition of EU law into the legal system of the Republic of Polish by national regulations. The principle is the transposition of EU law by means of laws. Nevertheless, there is a need to consider the possibility of making the transposition process by other national laws. The only regulation as the executive act remains within the framework of the Poland’s current system, appropriate features. However, the transposition by the regulation remains subsidiary to the transposition by the law.

rozporządzenie transpozycja władza wykonawcza Unia Europejska

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Author: Anna Pięta-Szawara
E-mail: annapieta_szawara@op.pl
Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
Year of publication: 2017
Source: Show
Pages: 241-260
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.14
PDF: ppk/39/ppk3914.pdf

Streszczenie:

The aim of the analysis that was conducted was to state whether and to what degree legal regulations on equal status of men and women, included in the electoral code and passed by the Sejm on 5 January 2011, support women in their participation in the public sphere on a local level. We did research into how the representation of candidates and the elected to the organs of the local self-government in a constituency no. 9 was formed, which depended on the current electoral system (proportional and majority electoral system). The analysis concerned the presence of men and women candidates on the electoral list and the number of mandates won by both genders on the level of districts, counties and provinces. On its basis, it was proved that the proportional electoral system clearly supports equal opportunities but only at the stage of women’s participation on electoral lists. Comparing the percentage of mandates won, we noticed that women occupied more positions in organs where the majority electoral system is applied, that is, in district councils (excluding town and cities with county rights).

system większościowy system proporcjonalny partie system kwotowy samorząd terytorialny równość płci

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