- Year of publication: 2012
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-8
- DOI Address: -
The article describes the institutions that the European Community Treaties, yesterday, and the Treaty of Lisbon, today, introduced in order to strengthen democracy in the European institutions, promoting the connection between rulers and ruled. The study concludes that, in the current context, the European Union democratic strengthening seems to pass through the introduction of institutions that - in addition to promoting democratic representation - are able to allow the participation of citizens in taking policy decisions, implementing the participatory democratic model. In this sense, a positive example, according to the Treaty of Lisbon, is the introduction of the legislative initiative proposed by the EU citizens (art. 11, paragraph 4 of the EU Treaty, and Article 24 of TFEU). Actually, such provision has to be considered as a significant "step forward" toward the democratic strengthening: it is an institution that allows citizens to participate in one of the most important functions of the EU, i.e. the legislative function. Even more important, as it refers to the initiative stage. Therefore, it permits European citizens to stimulate the European action in areas which peoples of Europe feel highly important.
Polish Electoral Code, which came into force in 2011, only slightly changed the rules of election of the councils of cities with county rights. Consequently, if the implementation of the principle of formal aspect of equal suffrage (equal voting rights) in the elections to these councils is undoubted that the material aspect of that rule (equal voting power) is controversial. This is due to the existence of relatively small constituencies, in which the number of seats based on the number of inhabitants, and not the number of electors or actually voting people. Another problem concerns the division of seats in those councils with d’Hondt method, which is the PR-system favorable for the largest political groups. Additionally, as practice shows, we have to make reservations if way of financing the electoral campaign does not affect the third aspect of the principle of equal elections – equality of opportunity. As a result we can say that the code very narrowly defined the equality of elections to the councils of cities with county rights.
In the article there is presented the issue of the freedom of the parliamentary election in the Polish Constitution from 2nd April 1997. In the beginning there was explained the comprehending of freedom of parliamentary election in the legal and political plain. There was established that analysed principle wasn’t directly determined amongst constitutional rules of voting rights. On the basis of quoted argumentation there was explained that it isn’t tantamount to its elimination from the electoral system. Even without distinct distinguishing this principle is a found notion, permanently written down to the Polish electoral system. Its functioning is finding expression in numerous guarantee rules.
In this article I point to the three reasons for a dissolution of the Macedonian parliament in 2011: the conflict between the government and opposition private media, the inefficient foreign policy and the difficult economic situation. Based on the analysis of the last election’s results I advance the thesis that the political crisis in Macedonia in the period 2008-2010 did not disturb the stability of the political scene and the early election showed how ‘frozen’ remains Macedonian party system.
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