New technologies are becoming more and more frequently used in public administration and in the electoral law. Further states consider introducing an electronic voting as an alternative method of casting votes. It seems to be an attractive solution as it is expected to increase the electorate mobilisation. The Åland Islands, which are autonomous territory of Finland, are planning to ensure the Internet voting starting from 2019. It is the first stage of introducing i-voting in the Åland Islands and at this point only expats are enable to exercise the right to use it. The method is accessory to the traditional way of voting in a polling station and it applies merely to the elections to the authorities of the autonomy.

The European arrest warrant established in 2002 is an important tool in prosecuting perpetrators of crimes committed within the European Union. It can, however, be considered as some interference in state sovereignty. Such a situation took place in 2013 when Croatia joined the EU. Just before the date of accession the parliament changed the law, significantly limiting the possibility of extraditing the citizens of that country to the other EU countries. The unofficial, but actual reason for this decision was the desire to protect the former high-rank representative of the Yugoslavian secret services, Josip Perkovic, accused of participating in the assassination of a Croatian dissident in Germany in 1983. This risky step by the Croatian authorities has led to a serious crisis in relations with the German government and the European Commission, including the threat of EU funds being withheld. He even got a separate treatment in the literature on the subject (lex Perković, Croat slučaj Perković). The main purpose of the article is to present and discuss political events that accompany this case, as well as to analyze legal steps taken by all interested parties.

The principle of free elections allows for broad protection of imponderables related to the electoral process. Its scope covers activities ranging from the possibility of reading electoral information, up to the voting process itself. Such a broad approach to this principle of electoral law, which in fact is currently not expressed expressis verbis in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, allows protection of the entire voting process. This, in turn, seems crucial in the field of reference to modern technologies. These are undoubtedly easier for us to live, however, improperly used, they can interfere with democratic processes. This article is an attempt to answer a momentous practical question: how can the content optimization algorithms used in search engines and social networks influence freedom of choice, and whether inappropriate use of these algorithms may violate the law and to what extent can it influence democratic processes? In my opinion, taking up this research topic will help to secure the interests of democratic states, as well as looking at the principle of “free elections” in a slightly different context than before.

The article deals with the issue of government in Central and Eastern Europe, understood as one of the executive branch entities, appointed by the representative body, on the example of three countries, the Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. These countries are joined by a common, difficult history, a system of government adopted after 1989, mutual neighborhood, convergent interests. The executive model functioning in these countries sets Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the group of states with a parliamentary- cabinet system of government. In addition to the president elected in direct elections, there is a collegial body-government headed by the prime minister. The government with the prime minister is de facto the subject with the greatest resource of power and a fundamental influence on the country’s policy, both in the national and foreign dimensions.

In discussions about the need of transition from informal relationships (especially same-sex relationships) to structures regulated by normative standards, various arguments of axiological and sociological nature clash. The problems affecting children, which are a direct consequence of their parents’ decision to apply institutions not regulated by Polish law, play a significant role in this debate. The analysis of the case-law concerning the issue, indicated in the title of the article, leads to the conclusion that currently the Supreme Administrative Court tries to compensate for the lack of appropriate normative regulations by legal interpretation, which reflects the welfare of the child to the greatest extent, referring to the provisions of the Convention on the Rights of the Child and article 72 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. However, the adopted solution does not guarantee that there will be no future problems, which may have a significant negative impact on the legal situation of children whose parents decided to live in same-sex relationships.

The article is devoted to the problem of the support for the family by public authorities in the light of the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The article discusses the essence of the family, the good of the family as a constitutional value, the right of a family in a difficult material and social situation to special help from public authorities and the issue of help given to the mother before and after childbirth (Article 71 of the Constitution). According to the author, the Constitution creates sufficient grounds for providing support by public authorities to families which require such support. In this respect, the key issue is the requirement to take into account the good of the family in the state’s social and economic policy. However, the final shape and scope of assistance is determined by law.

The article is concerned with the commission phase of works on the motion for consti- tutional liability which is initiated by the Marshall of Sejm handing over the preliminary motion to the Constitutional Liability Commission, and finished with Sejm or the National Assembly debating its summary. The task of the Commission is to debate the pre- liminary motion, gather evidence, interrogate witnesses and submit the summary of its work. The Commission is obliged to recommend prosecutors that shall represent Sejm before the State Tribunal.