Published online: 27 May 2021
Final submission: 5 May 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Anna Owczarczyk
E-mail: anna.owczarczyk@uph.edu.pl
Institution: Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1363-2296
Source: Show
Page no: 16
Pages: 11-26
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202102
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202102.pdf

Streszczenie:

The unfavorable demographic situation and the falling number of births resulted in an increased interest among Polish politicians in introducing tools to social policy that would reverse this negative trend. Implemented to social policy by Prawo i Sprawiedliwość Party in 2016, the “Family 500+” benefit has become such a tool. According to the government’s intention, this financial aid for families with children aims to reverse the decline in the number of births observed for many years and reduce the scale of poverty among families with the most complex financial situation. After several years of the “Family 500+” Program in force, it is difficult to clearly define whether the goals were achieved and whether the expenses for financing the program were adequate to the results. The aim of the article is an attempt at the assessment of the functioning of the Family 500+ Programme. Both the statutory assumptions of the programme, the costs of its functioning, and its results so far were analyzed. The central part of the analysis covered the period 2016–2019.

pro-natal policy 500+ Programme poverty social policy

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Published online: 10 June 2021
Final submission: 9 September 2020
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Maciej Skrzypek
E-mail: maciej.skrzypek@amu.edu.pl
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8018-1854
Source: Show
Page no: 14
Pages: 37-50
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202105
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202105.pdf

Streszczenie:

The COVID-19 pandemic occurred in Poland during the campaign before the presidential election scheduled for May 10. This non-military threat changed the election campaign’s dynamics, leading to an unprecedented failure to hold elections and postponing them. Around the changes in the election procedure, many constitutionalists and political scientists voiced their inconsistency with the law and the provisions of the Constitutional Tribunal. Both the proposed provisions and the manner of their organization raised objections. The article classifies these changes as manifestations of democratic backsliding, weakening democratic institutions and leading to a decline in the quality of democracy. The research goal is to analyze the records in the selected source material and relate them to the selected theoretical category (democratic backsliding). In the course of the research, the following hypothesis is verified: in the face of the COVID-19 epidemic in Poland, attempts by the ruling elite to change the provisions related to organizing the presidential elections scheduled for May 10 are an example of democratic backsliding, which, by weakening democratic institutions, has threatened the constitutional provisions and the essence of the democratic system.

amendments in Electoral Code presidential elections in Poland democratic backsliding in Poland

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Published online: 15 June 2021
Final submission: 7 June 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Lech Wyszczelski
Institution: War Studies Academy (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2063-4281
Source: Show
Page no: 17
Pages: 181-184
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202106
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202106.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book Review: Zbigniew Girzyński, Jarosław Kłaczkow, Jan Żaryn (Eds.), Fundamenty Niepodległości. Sejm Ustawodawczy (1919–1922), Toruń 2020, pp. 574.

Published online: 17 June 2021
Final submission: 5 May 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Beata Pituła
E-mail: beata.pitula@polsl.pl
Institution: Silesian University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7691-3821
Source: Show
Page no: 17
Pages: 149-165
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202107
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202107.pdf

Streszczenie:

The primary aim of this article is to present the results and research findings of a pilot study on teachers’ attitudes manifested toward the idea of society 5.0. The study is a part of one of the priority research areas of the Silesian University of Technology – Processes automation and Industry 4.0. in terms of the socio-cultural and methodological implications of Industry 4.0. Eighty-four teachers participated in the research and completed the questionnaire electronically. The research bores the characteristics of a preliminary diagnosis of the problem. Hence, the collected empirical material does not allow the formulation of methodologically valid conclusions. However, it may constitute a “voice in the discussion” on the preparation of teachers for the inevitable change of the role of the school and the teacher in the new society.

society 5.0 attitude teacher

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 25 October 2020
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Gideon Biger
E-mail: bigergideon@gmail.com
Institution: Tel Aviv University (Israel)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6038-7129
Source: Show
Page no: 12
Pages: 77-88
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202108
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202108.pdf

Streszczenie:

Earlier this year, President Donald Trump presented his Peace Plan for Israel and the Palestinians. The plan also dealt with the future boundaries of Jerusalem. Jerusalem is the only city ruled by a sovereign regime, the State of Israel, which declared Jerusalem as its Capital city and draw its boundary lines. Except for the US, the status and boundaries of Jerusalem are not accepted by any other international or national entity. Only the United States, which accepts Jerusalem as the capital city of Israel, agreed to accept its Israeli declared boundaries. Jerusalem’s status and boundaries stand at the core of the dispute between Israel and the Palestinian Authority, which wishes to restore the pre-1967 line. The city of Jerusalem was divided during the years 1948-1967 between Israel and Jordan. The Palestinian Authority thus calls for a separation of Jerusalem between two independent states. Today, Jerusalem has an urban boundary that serves partly as a separating line between Israel and the Palestinian Autonomy, but most countries do not accept the present boundaries, and its future permanent line and status are far from establishing. Jerusalem is a unique city. This article presents a brief history that should help understanding its uniqueness.

Peace and Prosperity international boundary urban boundary Holy City annexation Jerusalem

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 2 June 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Joanna Rak
E-mail: joanna.rak@amu.edu.pl
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0505-3684
Source: Show
Page no: 11
Pages: 51-61
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202109
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202109.pdf

Streszczenie:

Embedded in scholarship on militant democracy, this research aims to explain how Italian legislation was positioned to militant democratic measures and how this changed over time. Drawing on the qualitative source analysis and the explanatory frameworks of democratic vulnerability tests two competing theory-grounded assumptions. While the first one assumes that Italian democracy became vulnerable when traditional militant democracy instruments were outmoded, the second considers the misuse or abandonment of those means with social consent as the source of vulnerability. The crisis-induced socioeconomic inequality and uncertainty weakened the Italian political nation. As a result, the latter supported populists in return for a promise of political change. The anti-democratic legal means employed to extend power competencies and prevent the exchange of ruling parties were the way to and the costs of the expected political change. At the same time, the political nation became unable to self-organize to strengthen democracy self-defense. As a result, Italians co-produced a quasi-militant democracy that turned vulnerable because militant democracy measures were misused or not used with the consent of Italians that relinquished their political subjectivity in favor of the Northern League and the Five Star Movement.

political nation the Five Star Movement the Northern League anti-democratic restrictions contentious politics quasi-militant democracy neo-militant democracy Italy

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 24 January 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Andrzej Kiepas
E-mail: andrzej.kiepas@us.edu.pl
Institution: Silesian University of Technology (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5279-5288
Source: Show
Page no: 4
Pages: 169-172
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202113
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202113.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book Review: Terje Tüür-Fröhlich, Non-trivial Effects of Trivial Errors in Scientific Communication and Evaluation. Schriften zur Informationswissenschaft Band 69. Herausgegeben vom Hochschulverband für Informationswissenschaft (HI) e.V., Glückstadt 2016.

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 11 May 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Krzysztof Kowalczyk
E-mail: krzysztof.kowalczyk@usz.edu.pl
Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5910-4854
Source: Show
Page no: 9
Pages: 27-35
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202118
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202118.pdf

Streszczenie:

This article aims to analyze the approach of Polish parliamentary parties to the anti-abortion legislation in 1991-2019 on the level of their ideological programmes. Classification of political parties concerning their ideological families has been proposed. Next, the article presents a typology based on the party’s attitude to the discussed problem, distinguishing the following categories of parties: the proponents of apportioning, the opponents of abortion, heterogeneous parties, and parties that do not express an opinion on this issue.

parliamentary parties legislation abortion Poland

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 8 June 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Aisyah Mumary Songbatumis
E-mail: mumarysongbatumis@gmail.com
Institution: Vistula University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4144-2484
Source: Show
Page no: 23
Pages: 89-111
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202119
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202119.pdf

Streszczenie:

As Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono won the 2004 presidential election, it marked the end of Indonesia’s democratic transition era and experienced a dynamic change in foreign policy. The new international identity that viewed Islam as an asset was introduced by SBY, emphasizing the importance of moderate Islam as opposing extremism. The phenomenon of Islamic influence was not only the result of democratic consolidation domestically but also external factors such as the aftermath of 9/11 that portrayed Muslims as potential terrorists. For this reason, Indonesian foreign policy attempted to diminish such misconceptions and tried to be a peacemaker or a mediator in Muslim-related issues globally. To contextualize the analysis, the study focuses on the influence of Islam in Indonesian foreign policy towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and Pakistan. The mutual aspirations on the Palestinian statehood shared by both the government and the Muslim elements in society could be found, while religious sentiments were noticeable, as shown by the Muslim groups. In contrast, the influence of Islam in Indonesia-Pakistan relations, especially regarding the Kashmir dispute, was absent due to the difference in views of the government and the Muslim groups and constraining factors, including Indonesia’s national interest priority.

Islam in foreign policy Indonesian foreign policy political Islam national interest democracy

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Published online: 21 June 2021
Final submission: 8 February 2021
Printed issue: December 2021
Author: Kamil Pietrasik
E-mail: kamilpietrasik@interia.pl
Institution: Asia-Pacific Society (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8579-0659
Source: Show
Page no: 3
Pages: 173-175
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202120
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202120.pdf

Streszczenie:

Book review: Alicja Stańco-Wawrzyńska, Cel: walka. Obraz terroryzmu w polskich dziennikach, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Torun 2017, pp. 153.

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