Author: Jacek Bil
Institution: Military University of Technology
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-528X
Published online: 30 December 2021
Final submission: 19 November 2021
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 12
Pages: 31-42
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202207
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202207_2.pdf

Streszczenie:

Russia's hostile actions against the Estonian state structures take the form of soft power, which can be observed in such areas as the activities of the Russian-speaking minority, media coverage, or through the use of coercion when it comes to fuel sales. This article presents qualitative methods of measuring Russian influence on Estonia. An observable trend in international relations is replacing hard power with soft power, commonly used against states within the sphere of interest of certain geopolitical entities. It is more difficult to identify the latter and prove it results from an aggressor's deliberate actions. Information warfare, including disinformation and propaganda, is one of the means Russia uses to exert political influence. By accepting the offer of a political and military alliance with the Western world, the Baltic States have become a threat to the Kremlin's imperialist aspirations. Russia's direct military actions against Estonia and the other Baltic states would have provoked a strong reaction and could even have led to military confrontation. However, the Russian government wishes to avoid it and, for the time being, limits itself to soft power measures.

impact qualitative methods soft power Policy Estonia Russia

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Author: Milena Ingelevič-Citak
Institution: Jagiellonian University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2585-4814
Published online: 30 December 2021
Final submission: 5 December 2021
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 23
Pages: 7-29
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202206
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202206_1.pdf

Streszczenie:

In July 2021, Russia submitted its first inter-state complaint against Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights. It was an unexpected and intriguing step of the Russian government, especially since many of the presented allegations are linked to the events that initiated the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Referring to the hostilities that began in 2014, the international community was, in principle, unanimous in assessing who the aggressor was. The focus of this research is the strategy of the Russian Federation in its recently initiated legal battle before the Strasbourg Court. This paper presents an attempt to outline the possible motives for taking such a step. Moscow's position on this case is particularly puzzling, as some of the allegations concern the Crimean Peninsula, widely recognized under international law as territory occupied by Russia. In spite of that, doubt arises about the strategic objectives of the Russian authorities in the conflict with Ukraine; the question is whether the actions taken by Russia fall within the scope of its previous strategy or if there has been a new turn in the matter. The first part of this paper outlines the background of the given conflict, the second details Russian policy after the annexation of Crimea, and the third, which is crucial for the formulating of conclusions, presents considerations on Russia's possible motivation and goals in filing a complaint to the European Court Human Rights. The research was conducted mainly based on the merits of the complaint, the statements of the representatives of Russia and Ukraine in the matter, the author's observations, and practitioners' considerations.

lawfare the policy of the Russian Federation the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula inter-state case Russian-Ukrainian conflict European Court of Human Rights

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Author: Piotr Łubiński
Institution: Pedagogical University of Kraków
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6007-5683
Published online: 30 December 2021
Final submission: 22 November 2021
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 13
Pages: 43-55
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202209
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202209_3.pdf

Streszczenie:

This article aims to address the issue of alleged hybrid warfare attacks on Lithuania, Latvia, and Poland. The scope of the article covers the Belarus operations conducted in 2021. Firstly, the author addresses the issue of pushing migrants from a descriptive perspective. Secondly, he debates whether Belarus operation was conducted within the scope of hybrid warfare, hybrid threat, and lawfare? The author concludes that the Republic of Belarus has operated lawfare falling within the hybrid threat spectrum. It means that the situation is not to be classified under the law of armed conflict from the perspective of international and non-international armed conflicts and ius ad bellum violation. Thirdly, the author claims that Belarus has violated international law, so certain legal redress is appropriate and justified. Belarus's actions may result in a court proceeding before the International Court of Justice and before other international institutions.

law of armed conflict the migration crisis use of force refugee non-state actors

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Author: Elżbieta Posłuszna
Institution: Military University of Aviation (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8652-5729
Published online: 4 January 2022
Final submission: 8 August 2021
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 11
Pages: 119-129
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202201
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202201_8.pdf

Streszczenie:

The paper aims to define the psychological foundations of lone wolf activism. The analysis that facilitated attaining this goal was based on the Nietzschean concept of resentment theory of compensatory revaluating values that explain the relationships between inferiority and fundamentalism, fanaticism, and ideologically motivated violence. Based on a phenomenological examination of the phenomenon, the author demonstrates that lone wolf activism is founded on two psychologically and sociologically determined successive processes. The first one occurs when a sense of personal inferiority becomes the source of an envy-based hostile attitude toward the world. Later on, this feeling, due to personality defence mechanisms, which bring about the falsification of “primary desires” and the generation of “secondary desires”, transforms into fundamentalism. The second process takes place when, as the result of fundamentalist legitimisation that arise on the level of social rivalry, given fundamentalism is destituted, resulting in fanaticism. The author believes that the knowledge of both processes is necessary to recognise and combat the terrorist activity of lone ideologically motivated individuals.

fanaticism ressentiment lone wolf terrorism fundamentalism

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Author: Filip Grzegorzewski
Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3160-8214
Published online: 30 January 2022
Final submission: 23 January 2022
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 16
Pages: 59-74
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202210
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202210_4.pdf

Streszczenie:

Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.

deterrence strategic ambiguity realism Indo - Pacific balance of power Taiwan Donald Trump United States war China

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Author: Boguslaw Stanisław Przywora
Institution: Jan Długosz University in Częstochowa (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8809-3971
Author: Karol Dobrzeniecki
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6364-9793
Published online: 30 January 2021
Final submission: 27 October 2021
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 13
Pages: 95-107
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202211
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202211_6.pdf

Streszczenie:

The topic of the present article is the response of states to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic by using extraordinary legal measures provided for in their constitutions and legislation. By reference to the research project's findings, the authors characterise the legal solutions in selected jurisdictions and attempt to demonstrate the relationship between the application of emergency measures and the specific political system of states. By doing so, the authors consider such factors as the territory, population, or type of political regime.

the states of emergency COVID-19 pandemic constitutional law

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Author: Joanna Iwancz
Institution: West Pomerania Marshal Office (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3862-6861
Author: Bartlomiej H. Toszek
Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2989-7168
Published online: 31 March 2021
Final submission: 1 March 2022
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 9
Pages: 109-117
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202212
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202212_7.pdf

Streszczenie:

The article presents the positions of the UK and Polish governments on the importance of European security management as a factor influencing and shaping the defence doctrine in both states. Building on the systemic nature of European security, security management concepts, as defined in UK and Poland’s strategies for developing defence capabilities, have been examined using a system analysis. The assessment of the issue from the perspective of the UK and Polish governments is based on a decision-making analysis, while differences in the approach to European security are demonstrated through a comparative method. The authors have shown that the actual perception of European security as part of the global order is a factor determining the current involvement of the UK Government in the process of security management. However, the Polish government has shown interest in similar actions only to the extent these are convergent with national security.

defence capability European security security management United Kingdom Poland

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Author: Małgorzata Madej
Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5274-8614
Published online: 20 March 2021
Final submission: 14 November 2021
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 20
Pages: 133-152
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202213
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202213_9.pdf

Streszczenie:

After the post-communist transition, decentralisation and subsidiarity have become one of Poland's major principles of political organisation. Moreover, especially the original 1990 reform and establishment of self-governing communes are regarded as a success story, not only in improving the quality of governance and public service provision but also in the civil society and citizen participation, as evidenced by the development of modern urban movements. The article explores legal possibilities for further decentralisation of municipalities, analysing the role of ancillary units in regional capitals. Ancillary units in Poland have developed differently in the countryside and urban communes. Relying on publicly available information and data provided by the respective municipal offices, the article describes the ancillary units' statutory role, competencies, and actual activities. The findings enable the assessment of the application of the sublocal decentralisation solution in Polish cities and the identification of its benefits and shortcomings.

community building ancillary units municipalities decentralisation territorial self-government participation Poland governance

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Author: Piotr Rączka
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1097-5712
Author: Maciej Serowaniec
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4693-7977
Published online: 30 January 2021
Final submission: 19 December 2021
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 10
Pages: 153-162
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202214
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202214_10.pdf

Streszczenie:

The primary burden of tackling the pandemic COVID-19 lies with the state as the entity responsible for protecting the health and life of its citizens. Hence, it can be argued that the focus of the pandemic-induced changes to the Polish legal order was on administrative law, which not only sets out the principles of the functioning of the State as the executive power but also governs the relations between the government, local government and citizens, which had to be significantly modified during the pandemic. It would be impossible to analyse and discuss all the emergency measures that appeared in Poland’s administrative law due to the threats posed by the pandemic. The subject matter of the present study is the analysis of the legal solutions adopted in the Republic of Poland in the sphere of public law in connection with the spread of the virus and particular provisions shaping relationships between the two basic structural branches of Polish public administration, viz. the government administration and the local-government administration. The following part of this study will accordingly be devoted to the analysis of the legislative solution contained in Article 11h of the COVID-19 Act, establishing a legal framework for issuing binding instructions to, among others, the various bodies of local governments, local-government legal persons and local-government organisational entities without legal personality.

decentralised administration system administrative law government administration COVID-19 local government

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Author: Izabela Kapsa
Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2342-3682
Author: Magdalena Musiał-Karg
Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6089-1381
Published online: 20 March 2021
Final submission: 21 December 2021
Printed issue: March 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 18
Pages: 163-180
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202215
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202215_11.pdf

Streszczenie:

Apart from benefits, internet voting security is most frequently discussed by opponents and supporters of this form of electoral participation. Although this voting method is not available in Poland, the debate on the implementation of i-voting appears in each election. The COVID-19 pandemic showed a great need to implement additional remote voting methods in the elections, and increasingly more countries are considering the introduction of i-vote in the future. Although there is no plan for the nearest future in Poland, citizens' opinions suggest that this voting procedure would meet many of its users. The paper's main aim is to analyse Poles' opinions about the risks and benefits of internet voting. The results of our own studies are based on a survey among Poles regarding their views on internet voting. The main goal is to verify if Poles more often highlight the benefits than risks of i-voting, and if the opinions about risks and benefits of i-voting differ depending on respondents’ sex, age, education and domicile.

benefits of i-voting risks of i-voting opinions of Poles i-voting

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Author: Agnieszka Szpak
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7601-1230
Author: Joanna Modrzyńska
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University (Poland)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5409-6787
Published online: 2 November 2021
Final submission: 24 October 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 18
Pages: 75-92
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202154
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202154_5.pdf

Streszczenie:

This paper aims to point to the transition from international law to transnational law that, on the one hand, is caused, and on the other, is strengthened by the growing role of cities in the fight against COVID-19. Various interactions between cities and other international actors give rise to new trends and challenges on the international plane. One of such terms, transnational law, refers to developments beyond the nation-state and includes “all law which regulates actions or events that transcend national frontiers”. It is characterized by a plurality of overlapping normative systems and a growing role of new actors in the international arena, which are cities. The authors give examples of cities bypassing or complementing states with special emphasis on European cities (Polish including) as well as of cities’ transnational cooperation to fight COVID-19 pandemic, filling the gaps in inter-governmental multilateral cooperation.

bypass global law transnational law COVID-19 cities international law international relations

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Author: The Editors
Year of publication: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 3
Pages: 181-183
DOI Address: -
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy20221rw.pdf

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