It is not without reason that we reflect more and more on the causes of the current state of political thinking in Polish society. Indeed, in modern times, difficult and uncertain, and turbulent times of great transformation, human thought is clearly not keeping pace. Given the rapidly changing external circumstances we have become increasingly confused and inept. We do not really know how to deal with the emerging threats and challenges of modern times, described by the eminent sociologist and philosopher Zygmunt Bauman as the era of “liquid modernity”. It is noticeable that our perception and image of social reality and our role in it, including its political dimension, is quite imperfect and restricted, and that our ideological life is in deep crisis or has perhaps even disappeared.

The migrations of population are considered to be one of fundamental values in the life of cultures and civilisations . They are regarded as a force that generates social and economic progress, political aspirations, a “school” of attitudes, behaviour, tolerance, entrepreneurship, criticism. At the same time it is pointed out that they should not be a spontaneous phenomena and process. It is essential to prepare oneself for functioning in an immigration reality, for various barriers reveal themselves in it and are overcome by immigrants only with effort. The psychological factor is important in this respect. A number of people encounter difficulties to adapt to a new cultural reality because of their personality (e.g. because of neuroticism, distrust towards the outside world, introvertism).

Establishing good law has been an old dream of humanity. Back in ancient times leaders such as Hammurabi, Solon, and especially Justinian the Great, and many others, while attempting to codify and reform the law, were driven by the ideal of “good law”. ! is same idea inspired Montesquieu in his De l’esprit des lois (“! e Spirit of the Laws”). Monumental legal acts in Napoleon’s times or the time of German unifi cation, as well as copying these acts into the legal systems of the countries of the Far East, for example, Japan, serve as additional examples on how tempted leaders have been able to implement the idea of “good law”, which, quite frequently, is directly stated in the preamble to leading legal acts.

After the collapse of the bipolar international system, a new line of “soft” division in Europe has been established in East-Central Europe. The article seeks to verify the hypothesis that Central and Eastern Europe is an international relations area but is not a cohesive, tightly-knit region united by common institutions, historical experience and the resulting awareness of a separate identity and a sense of community vis-à-vis the external world whereas the international order herein is a dynamic process undergoing evolution. Despite the passage of over twenty years since the collapse of the bipolar system, this process has not yet been completed.

Cooperation in terms of Afro-regions should largely be based on the experience of Euro-regions, but necessarily must take into account African specifics, especially through the use of a far greater degree of informal cross-border economy and trade. Borderlands as regions of cooperation constitute the realization of the idea of integration from the bottom. This will foster a process of open borders, which in turn will lead to a real acceleration of the integration processes. Moreover, on both sides of the border / boundaries it is possible to start the process of regional identity, especially among the young generation, which would be a kind of “resurrection” of existing links from the pre-colonial past.

Karachay-Circassia, is very small both in the territorial and demographic aspect and is widely considered as one of the most politically unstable state-subjects of the Russian Federation. This instability is implied by a combination of many factors occurring against a relatively stable historical and cultural background. This background consists of: multiethnicity, colonization and sovietization, deportations, migrations, ethnic segmentation of the society, ethno-clanishness, ethnic and territorial conflicts and the geopolitical situation. The latter has often decomposed the natural development of nation-creating and state-creating processes. Moreover, it has also been the main cause of numerous tragedies of the local populace which sometimes has put its very biological existence under threat.

The difficult and dramatic birth of the Constitution of the Russian Federation in December 1993 does not mean that it is a statute burdened by numerous faults and chaotic as the situation in which it originated. This is quite a consistent constitutional act looking for a strong presidency model, similar to the Fifth French Republic. It is doubtful, however, that, according to an eminent scholar of Russian law, William E. Butler, at that time “enacting of the truly democratic constitution for the first time in Russian history” took a place.

The events that took place in Tunisia in early 2011, proved to be very important for the whole international environment. The northern part of Africa is signifi cant for the Western countries for natural resources which are available there for these reasons, stable and politically predictable, situation in the countries situated there is a strategically important element of a global security system. Tunisia since mid December 2010 has witnessed riots of young people throughout the country who, in the desperate acts of the self burning claimed democracy in their country, reduction of unemployment (13%), improving the living conditions and prospects for a better tomorrow for young people. „Jasmine Revolution”, the name given by the French journal Le Monde to the riots, led to the overthrowing of President Ben Ali, after 23 years of rule and his escape to Saudi Arabia. 

Political leadership is still a research area requiring the most up-to-date approaches, since, being a constant phenomenon in its essence, it is subject to the processes of form transformation. Throughout history, we can indicate the directions of change of the leadership phenomenon. From tribal communities, where often quasi-political functions were combined with religious functions (based on the charismatic authority of shamans), through the time of statesmen and ideological leadership, we have now arrived at the era of media leaders.

The purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to the understanding of the domestic patterns of the political competition in Turkey. Moreover, the paper will also focus on the new doctrine of Turkish foreign policy implemented after the electoral victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) in November 2002. In this article the AKP political platform is analyzed as a moderate pro-Islamic party because of its past connections with the Islamic National Outlook Movement of Necmettin Erbakan. In literature on the topic, all the Islamic political parties were connected to the political thought of N. Erbakan and known as the organizations of the National Outlook Movement tradition (Milli Görüş Hareketi). It should be noted that on this point, the first party was the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi), second, the National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi), third the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and fourth the Virtue Party (Fazilet Partisi).