- Year of publication: 2021
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
The article analyses modern populism as a challenge to liberal democracy in terms of the activities of right-wing and left-wing political parties. An important factor in the growth of populism is the lack of effectiveness of constitutionalism and other formal limited institutions, procedures to ensure the principles of people’s sovereignty, democracy, justice, guarantee the interests of the majority in the modern world. It is noted that populism emerged in the late 19th century as a social movement, ideology, and political activity, and since then has firmly taken its place in the political consciousness of the masses, gaining new features and intensifying at times when countries are experiencing turning points in their history. The main factors in the growth of populism include the insufficient effectiveness of the institutions of indirect democracy in modern consolidated democracies. Another reason for the rise of populism is related to the tendency of ideological deradicalization, which manifested itself in the activities of different parties. Today, populism does not have a developed fundamental theoretical background and conceptual texts like nationalism and conservatism. However, it has a holistic structure as a political phenomenon and a set of ideological positions. The goal of modern populism is the introduction of “illiberal democracy” – a government that ensures smooth transformation of people’s preferences into public policy (unlike liberal democracies, which are almost always hindered by certain obstacles to responding effectively to pressing problems). From this point of view, populism is not a threat to democracy as such, but the leading liberal version of democracy. The possibilities of constitutionalism are treated with scepticism in the populist ideology, as formal, limited institutions and procedures prevent the majority from executing their will. Liberal democracy is not strong enough and constantly needs strengthening elements in response to new challenges and threats. But liberal democracy, more than any other political form, contains the potential for development, a synergistic resource, and the power of self-correction. A strong parliament and a developed civil society remain effective counterweight to populism.
The article considers public security as a component of national security. Public security is one of the priorities of state policy in the field of national security. Successful public safety is the implementation of a set of measures in the field of landscaping: installation of traffic lights in appropriate public places, construction of underpasses, construction of indoor stops for citizens waiting for the arrival of public transport, etc. A well-thought-out system of planning and construction of settlements or public places, maintaining them in good condition, which promotes work and recreation of citizens, reduces the degree of threat to public safety from the occurrence of unexpected and dangerous situations. And neglect of public amenities can lead to favorable conditions for those who commit offenses and encroach on public safety. A special place is occupied by local governments, they are the closest power to the population, have the necessary powers and resources to attract citizens to maintain public order, increase their social activity in creating decent living conditions in a given area. The state defines local self-government as an independent level of government to which the people are entitled. First of all, it presupposes the organizational separation and independence of local self-government from state power, its independence in resolving issues of local importance, but independence within its own powers, as provided by the constitution. The main powers of local governments to ensure public safety and public order include: monitoring compliance with the law in the territory; application of measures of state coercion (usually, it is a question of bringing to administrative responsibility for the offenses connected with local government); protection of public order, carried out mainly by the police; ensuring the safety of citizens. Accordingly, local governments may be endowed with additional powers in the field of public order and protection of citizens’ rights. Protecting the rights of citizens is an important component of ensuring security both at the individual level and at the level of the entire state. The sense of security that is transmitted inside and outside the country can be considered part of the attractiveness of the image of the country abroad.
Legal heritage, as well as the law in general, cannot exist without a subject, by whose will they are created. Accordingly, the subject of legal heritage can be considered as a legal actor - the source of all legal activity, from which come legal acts, legal actions, deeds and in general legal development and other. Preservation and usage of legal heritage depends on the subjects of legal heritage, which ensures the existence of national law through the translation of legal meanings embedded in the legal institutions, in the accumulated legal experience.
While reforming of the Ukrainian state, an important part of ensuring the social process is gender issues, providing equal opportunities for self-realization of a person regardless of gender, age, nationality or social origin. In accordance with the Millennium Development Goals adopted by the world community in 2000, one of the priorities of international development and indicators of social and economic development is ensuring gender equality. The implementation of gender equality ideas contributes to the effective use of human potential and, consequently, to the expansion of human development opportunities. Studying the processes of creation and implementation of gender policy in public administration is one of the new areas of research at the current stage of state formation. Its relevance is due to the processes of democratization of the Ukrainian society and search for ways to increase the effectiveness of public policy concerning equal rights and opportunities for women and men. Nowadays it is paid considerable attention to gender equality aspects by many international organizations. Thus, the United Nations (UN) has developed a number of global Sustainable Development Goals (CDGs) for 2015-2030, which were approved in 2015 at the UN Summit on Sustainable Development and which now all countries are committed to. The fifth of the seventeen CDGs is to achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls. In 2017, the Government of Ukraine presented the “Sustainable Development Goals: Ukraine” national report, which addresses gender equality as an essential task. It is emphasized that in Ukraine it is necessary to create conditions for elimination of all women discrimination forms. In this regard the relevant objectives and basic indicators for their achievement have been identified. Despite the fact that the world pays more and more attention to research in the field of gender equality, in Ukraine this issue remains one of the marginal segments in the public administration science. Therefore a systematic study of the formation of a gender-balanced staff at local executive bodies is becoming important. It is the management staff of local executive bodies that is sharply criticized; its mistakes and misjudgments significantly affect the standard of living, the welfare of citizens of a particular administrative-territorial unit, and the image and authority of government and the state as a whole. In the article it is analyzed the principles and mechanisms of state gender policy in Ukraine in the social and labor area, in particular in the civil service, it is studied the latest changes in the legal framework on gender issues, and it is described the existing legal issues that slow the further development of gender integration in all spheres of public administration, it is developed proposals to improve gender policy legal framework at the current stage.
Fragile states have several key characteristics: (1) uncertain control of territory and/or not having full control of legitimate use of force; (2) decline in legitimacy of collective and authoritative government decisions; (3) difficulties with providing public goods and services; (4) problems with interacting with other states as a member of the larger international community. Data on The Fund for Peace’s Fragile State Index from 2016 are used to measure the dependent variable. The independent variables of interest are health and nutrition, to determine if these factors-as influences on citizens’ behavior-would have anything to do with fragility. This paper, then, explores the role of two biosocial variables in affecting degree of fragility. Results are discussed as well as implications.
The inclusiveness of education drives sustainable public relations for reliable crime statistics report is determined by power play among critical actors in the sector whose interest are dichotomized into vested and entrenched interests that shaped public opinion on education and crime rate. Access to education can only be inclusive when all stakeholders are involved in its planning, execution and delivery of knowledge in a manner that does not discriminate in access and delivery. However, there is a disconnect between what knowledge is allowed to feed public opinion using public relations by the entrenched and vested interest in the education and law enforcement sectors. While clamor for inclusive education heighten across social class, the cost component of access is not accessible to all. Therefore, the paper argues that deepening equity and inclusiveness in education and law enforcement will neither allow access discrimination nor spurious reportage within the public domain using public relations. It further posits that disparage public opinion on education and law enforcement using public relation mutilate reality and creates false impression that negatively affect planning and development. Edwin Sutherland (1947)`s Differential Association-reinforcement theory of criminal behavior provided the framework while the design was exploratory. Qualitative data was purposively gathered from National Open University of Nigeria (NOUN), University of Abuja (UA), and Divisional Police Headquarters Lugbe. The preliminary fi ndings reveal that equity and inclusive education is necessary sustain objective public relation that will not misguide professional and public on crime statistics in Nigeria.
The aim of this article is to present the main motives, assumptions and dimensions of the US foreign policy towards the People’s Republic of China during the Trump presidency. The essence and purposefulness of the slogans, threats and attacks used by Donald Trump. Checking useness of the slogans „America First” and „make America great again” in the 2016 election campaign and while in office; their implications for the most serious structural competitor in the international arena, which is already the People’s Republic of China on many levels. In the author’s opinion, the turn of successive US presidential offices towards the PRC and the Asia-Pacific region in recent years is dictated not only by economic factors, but also by a wide range of collision paths and serves to maintain the position of the US hegemon in the region in the face of the growing power of the PRC. When Trump took office in 2017, he used the Chinese threat as the cornerstone of foreign policy. To illustrate the nature of the involvement of the Trump against PRC the focus was on the dimensions of the analyzed issue: mainly diplomatic and mutual economic relations , especially blast of trade war and less military aspects. Article shows what measures were applied under the so-called the trade war between the US and the PRC and the evolution of the measures used. The continuity of US-China relations by successive presidents was also noted, and it was considered whether the relations are clearly doomed to confrontation. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the manifestations of the changes taking place in US foreign policy during the Trump presidency. The hypothesis of the work is that the American turn towards the PRC is inevitable, and it is dictated to a large extent not only by purely economic factors, but this turn serves to maintain the strong position of the US in the region in the face of the growing imperialist tendencies of Chinese power. Analysing the most important affairs allows to identify and understand the main principles of the United States’ actual foreign policy.
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