- Year of publication: 2016
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
This article aims to describe the possible variants of the course of events after Brexit, from a Scottish perspective. Three dimensions are taken into the account: future model of UK–EU relations, symmetry of Brexit inside the UK and possibility of the second independence referendum in the near future (less than five years). These dimension have allowed to distinguish three main variants of further development, that are in short named by the author as: passive variant, Scottish exception and another referendum. It seems at this point that the Scottish Government is bound to carry out the second referendum, especially if the British government chooses a variant of the so-called hard Brexit. The European argument, which is so often used by Sturgeon in political debate does not necessarily lead to an increase in support for the independence, especially when eventual membership in the European Union of an independent Scotland is burdened with so many question marks.
The Eastern Partnership was established by the EU in 2009 as a new institutional framework for building cooperation between the EU and six countries from Eastern Europe and Southern Caucasus (i.e Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Republic of Moldova and Ukraine) as well as between the partner-countries themselves. The initiative was based on commitment to fundamental values such as democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights, market economy rules, sustainable development and good governance. The idea of how to treat the countries left after the downfall of the Soviet Union was one of the biggest challenge for the EU’s foreign policy. After the admission of Central European Countries to the EU in 2004 and 2007 the Union decided to launch a program which would provide the Eastern neighbors with an alternative to membership a set of incentives for engaging in economic, social and political reforms. The EU decided to promote regional cooperation under the Eastern Partnership instead of bringing the countries closer to the accession formula.
The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the problem of cooperation between the Eastern partners. Major question is whether the initiative has contributed to enhancing of cooperation among the partners and if it has what tangible progress has it brought to the benefit of the whole European Neighborhood Policy.
The objective of this paper is to discuss the logic behind the ENP and explore whether it makes the ENP a relevant and sustainable policy-framework. The discussion is structured as follows. First, the rationale behind the ENP is discussed. The second part is dedicated to the challenges that the ENP partner-countries face. Then, the threats that the EU faces due to unsolved problems inherent in the ENP states are examined. Finally, ways of improving the ENP are discussed. Conclusions follow.
The LGBT rights are one of the most crucial aspects of a social and political discourse in Poland and in the Russian Federation. Although in both countries there is a different system of power, and, what follows, human rights and their realization are perceived in a different way, in these two states the right of LGBT people become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the rights of LGBT people are perceived in Poland and in the Russian Federation. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in Poland and in Russia.
The LGBT rights are lately one of the aspects of a social and political discourse both in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. In these countries of a common historical heritage there are some analogies in the perspective on human rights and their realization. It may be also noted that the LGBT rights have become an instrument of politics. In the following article the authors present a comparative analysis of the way in which the LGBT rights are respected in the Russian Federation and in Ukraine. They will depict the similarities and differences between these two countries which result from historical conditions, and will provide an analysis of the current perception of non-heterosexual people in both countries.
Article „Languages – a tool in the hands of nationalists and globalists – the current situation in Europe” is going to present the current problem that appears on the Old Continent in the area of using the case of knowledge of languages to present the political situation. In the current times nationalistic tendencies are staring to be more visible – by in example rising of popularity of conservative and right-oriented parties or growing up of nationalist movements that are using xenophobic slogans. By focusing on the procedure of applying for citizenship of one of the European Union’s country, and on the position of languages in he European Union it is possible to understand some processes that are appearing in the political area. By taking into account these tendencies it is also possible to take attention on the fact of development of position of the languages in the Europe.
The article is based on the analysis of changes in voter turnout from 2000 to 2015. It considers all types of election, including presidential, parliamentary, local, and European parliament one within the territory of West Pomerania, detailing the municipal district of Szczecin; Police District, with Dobra (Szczecińska) commune, Kołbaskowo and Police; and Stargard District, with Kobylanka commune. Focusing exactly on this area is no coincidence and closely relates to the mobility of people. The analysis enabled the formulation of the following hypothesis: communes neighbouring cities attract politically conscious human potential; and the attempt at answering the research question referring to the observed phenomenon: whether the suburbanisation in Szczecin and neighbouring communes is a fact.
Civilian management and democratic control over the army do not only consist in establishing organs and mechanisms of control and optimising their activity. It is significant to determine and respect the role of the armed forces in the society, which would allow making the army a politically neutral instrument of legally functioning forces as well as appropriate organisational structures with strictly defined protection measures allocated to carry out the undertakings of the state and the nation. The position and function of the army in society should be based on the fact that it reflects the features of the society it comes from. In order to facilitate the effective progression of the process, the following aspects should be taken into account: in what manner the army reacts to the decisions and actions of civilian society; whether there are intermediary bodies between these spheres; to what extent the armed forces represent the interests of the society; and whether a soldier-citizen exists or if the two notions should be treated separately
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