- Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University (Poland)
- ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0505-3684
- Year of publication: 2020
- Source: Show
- Pages: 191–193
- DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020211
Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według
"Nowego, rozszerzonego wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych"
Ministerstwa Edukacji i Nauki:
Demographic changes connected with aging of Polish society shall determine the situation in the labor market to an ever-growing extent. The increase of average lifespan in combination with limited options of early retirement and smaller supply of employees shall lead to higher percentage of personnel aged 60 and more inside organizations. All these factors signify that more and more frequently contemporary companies shall function with personnel characterized by a truly large age gap. Undoubtedly, age of employees significantly influences their attitude to work, system of values, loyalty toward both the co-workers and the employer, as well their professional ambitions. In spite of these major differences, individuals from various generations will be forced to cooperate in the same teams. This article presents partial results of empiric studies dealing with the issue of generational diversification of human resources conducted in local labor market of the city of Ruda Śląska, both among the employees and employers. Opinions of employees and employers concerning the quality of mutual cooperation of individuals characterized by large age differences have been analyzed and simultaneously potential opportunities for mutual learning of employees belonging to different age groups have been presented.
The purpose of the paper is to concisely present basic applications of game theory models for a scientific description of political violence. The paper is divided into four parts. The first part discusses the key theoretical issues including: the assumption of the players’ rationality, the assumption of the players’ common knowledge of their rationality, the Nash equilibrium concept, Pareto optimality, the Nash arbitration scheme and the concept of evolutionarily stable strategies. The second and third parts contain examples of uses of selected models of classical and evolutionary games in the studies on political violence. The following two interaction schemes were used to that end: the Prisoner’s Dilemma and Chicken. The paper ends with a summary and discussion. The key feature of the discussed models is their methodological simplicity, as demonstrated by the lack of need to use complicated mathematical methods. This is why the paper is mainly addressed to individuals who had not studied game theory before or who have insufficient knowledge in the field to conduct own studies.
Today countries participating in space activities, share serious concerns about militarization of space. The defense of space can become an important issue in the international arena, because counteracting emerging threats will probably be associated not only with the development of technology and operational capabilities, but also with the creation of political alliances or attempts at international agreement on certain “rules of the game” for space operations. Ultimately, the growing importance of “space for defense” creates the need for “defense of space”. Individual countries remain the main actors in the field of space defense. Military strategies are defined at national level, and the development and exploitation of military space assets are managed by national organizations. Today, most European countries recognize space as a strategic area, next to land, sea, air and, increasingly, cyberspace, but they have adopted different policies and doctrines depending on their sensitivity, priorities and concerns. European space forces also have different governance structures with significant differences in the distribution of roles and responsibilities, including space agencies and private entities.
The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.
The paper examines the conflict over the control of the integration of Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal (CT) that evolved into a constitutional crisis in October 2015 - and has extended for more than two years. It identifies issues that help understand how the Polish Democracy does not impede the erosion of constitutional democracy as the conflict has undermined the CT and the function of judicial review (JR). The article examines issues of legitimacy that emerge from the crisis; it also examines the extent to which the institutional settings condition the operation of the JR function; in particular, it looks at the role of executive actors (the Government and the President), and the role of the political/parliamentary party in bridging the separation of powers.
The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research
This study attempts to demonstrate the reform strategies implemented in the last three years in Uzbekistan. The author focuses on analyzing the implementation of five priorities of this strategy - the dialogue between the authorities and society, human resources and management system, economy and social sphere, security and foreign policy. He devotes a great deal of attention to present the image of the architect of these reforms - the president of the state. The author emphasizes that the style of exercising power, including the implementation of reforms by Shavkat Mirziyoyev, fits into the model of transformational leadership. It is a reforming, missionary, and servant (national) leadership tailored to the expectations and aspirations of the society, but also burdened with high risk, regardless of the starting conditions for the reconstruction of the state.
Polish Political Science Yearbook, 49(2). Published online: June 30, 2020. The Polish Political Science Yearbook is international peer-reviewed journal indexed in: American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies (ABSEES) Online, BazHum, Central and Eastern European Online Library, Central European Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (cejsh.icm.edu.pl), Columbia International Affairs Online, Cosmos Impact Factor, Directory of Open Access Journals, Electronic Journals Library, ERIH Plus, Gale PowerSearch, Google Scholar, HeinOnline, IBR – International Bibliography of Book Reviews of Scholarly Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, IBZ – International Bibliography of Periodical Literature on the Humanities and Social Sciences, ICI Journals Master List, International Political Science Abstracts, Open Academic Journals Index, POL-Index (Polska Bibliografia Naukowa) and The Lancaster Index.
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