authoritarianism

  • Fundamentalism in the Light of Selected Psychological Concepts

    Author: Anna Zasuń
    Institution: University of Jan Długosz in Częstochowa (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 257-271
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016020
    PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016020.pdf

    The aim of the article is to present the psychological roots of fundamentalism, which can be found in each type of the phenomenon, and also an attempt to show fundamentalism, as the configuration of certain personality traits. As the basis for such an interpretation of fundamentalism, serve the psychological approach, which relate to the personality, cognitive style, refer to the prejudices, as well as to the concept of authoritarian personality and its constitutive characteristics. Article raised the question of so–called “fundamentalist personality” on the basis of diversity of manifestations of this phenomenon and its correlation with the concepts of authoritarianism and dogmatism. Author also addresses psychological category of attitude, which is the starting point in the discussion of the phenomena, such as fundamentalism or nationalism. In the background of considerations is an attempt to organize knowledge on fundamentalism, taking into account the historical roots of the phenomenon, and also, as a complementary reflection, a legitimacy of identifying fundamentalism with terrorism. 

  • The post–Yalta Poland between totalitarianism and authoritarianism

    Author: Roman Bäcker
    Year of publication: 2003
    Source: Show
    Pages: 74-86
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2003006

  • Rytuały periodyczne jako narzędzie integracji systemu „pomajowego”

    Author: Marta Chechłowska-Lipińska
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 60-77
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ksm201305
    PDF: ksm/18/ksm201305.pdf

    After the May Coup Piłsudzki began the transformation of the political system in the direction of authoritarian solutions. Due to the lack of ideology, and also the need of public participation in political life, it was necessary to create mechanisms for the integration of the political system. The best tools for this purpose were periodic rituals – skillfully made by the ruling camp. They con­nect citizens between themselves and with government representatives . Analyzing the problems discussed in the pages of newspapers connected with sanacia, we can see the life cycles defining events in the Second Republic. These included name day of Jozef Pilsudski (19 March), Independence Day (November 11) and parliamentary elections. At that moments compeers of Piłsudski mobilized the whole society to work together, celebrate together, and seemingly involve in the public life of the country. Outside of these moments the system was free from political mobilization. The journalists analyzed the situation of Polish, mentioned merit and urged to be active.

    Although the headlines showed very solemn, glamour celebration of name day of Pilsudski and Independence Day, they were a unique event. Besides poems, memories, articles glorify Marshall and distinguished soldiers in the fight for independence, there was no opportunity for the active participation of citizens in the celebrations. Except these individuals who laid flowers and take part in the official ceremony in Warsaw, the people accompanied apathy and lack of commitment. The most exciting period of political life however were elections. In this period appeared many articles analyzing and criticizing politics and party’s activity in Poland. Otherwise the elections time political life was relatively calm, sometimes disturbed by occasional ventures.

  • Poglądy autorytarne a stosunek do demokracji polskich studentów

    Author: Radosław Marzęcki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 130-147
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.07
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5507.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule autor przedstawia problem kryzysu legitymizacyjnego współczesnej demokracji. Dane empiryczne wskazują, że obywatele wielu skonsolidowanych demokracji stają się dzisiaj coraz bardziej nieufni (cyniczni) wobec wartości, jaką jest demokratyczny system polityczny. Okazuje się, że problem ten dotyczy dzisiaj młodszych pokoleń obywateli. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o to, jak młodzi ludzie (studenci) postrzegają i oceniają system polityczny w Polsce, także stara się przedstawić szerszy społeczny kontekst legitymizacji demokracji. Dlatego też analizuje związek pomiędzy preferowanym modelem władzy a poglądami na skali przekonań autorytarnych/demokratycznych.

  • Instytucjonalny, społeczny i polityczny wymiar pretorianizmu tureckiego

    Author: Maciej Herbut
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 20-34
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.46.02
    PDF: apsp/46/apsp4602.pdf

    INSTITUTIONAL, SOCIAL A ND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF TURKISH PRAETORIANISM

    The term ‘praetorianism’ refers to countries in which the armed forces influence the political system. The army, as an institution, can develop its political power in two ways: in a “direct” and “indirect” fashion. While in the first case the armed forces take control over state institutions, the second is more sublime and is restricted to the building of more concealed methods of influence, such as blackmail. Additionally, the army itself, as the officers are not engaged into politics, shows a high level of political cohesion and military professionalism. Turkey is an example of a country in which a professional army, after decades of acquiring political experience and under favourable conditions, was and still is able to efficiently exert backstage politics. On one side, TSK (Turkish Armed Forces) has developed constitutional and legal means of influencing the government, and on the other, the high public trust in the armed forces allows it to, if necessary, effectively blackmail or even supplant disobedient cabinets.

  • Signals of Adaptive Social Readiness as a Cornerstone and a Driving Force of Russian Authoritarianism

    Author: Iwona Massaka
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1197-2046
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-22
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192201
    PDF: npw/22/npw2201.pdf

    The aim of this article is to show the relationship between, the features (in cultural, sociological and political science terms) exhibited by contemporary Russian society and the political regime (in holistic terms by J. Linz), that existed in the Russian Federation (in the years 2007–2015). We assume that an evolution from stable contemporary Russian society to amalgams system combining elements of authoritarianism with dictatorship has taken place during this period. We point out the essential features that constitute the nature of Russian society and social behavior of political importance. Referring to the theory of “the state in society” by D. Migdal, We put the thesis that it is just the Russian way of thinking resulting in certain behavior, that causes the permanence of contemporary Russian society with a tendency to move on the line continuum toward totalitarianism. Proving that Russian society is not a civil society, but a state society, we determine the structure, the role and the modes of operation of Russian intra-system opposition.

  • Polish April Constitution of 1935 and Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France of 1958. Apparent Affinity

    Author: Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski
    Institution: University of Lodz
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/000-0002-3156-1842
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 351-362
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.23
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5123.pdf

    A large number of authors, both academics and novelists, contend that there is an affinity between the Polish April Constitution of 1935 and that of the Fifth Republic of France. In their view, such an affinity results from the dominant political position of the president, his powers and general consolidation of the executive power2. Another reason for such an assertion is a similar model of leadership adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle. Some authors even assert that “Polish Constitution was an inspiration for the constitutional thought of general de Gaulle”3. Special attention should be paid to the different axiology of the two constitutions, including rigidity of the April Constitution provisions, designed exclusively for the presidential system, and distrust of the Polish constitutional thought in direct democracy. Different leadership models adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle also contributed to the general disparities between Polish and French fundamental statutes discussed in this paper.

  • Conceptualizing the Theoretical Category of Neo-militant Democracy: The Case of Hungary

    Author: Joanna Rak
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0505-3684
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 61-70
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020204
    PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020204.pdf

    The article aims to formulate a theoretical category of neo-militant democracy that applies to study the nature and dynamics of democratic regimes after the 2008 economic crisis. It conducts an empirical test to verify the analytical effectiveness of the redeveloped category. The test takes a form of the case study of the Hungarian political system. Apart from a verification-objective, the research aims to identify and account for the dynamics of the Hungarian regime in terms of the neo-militant democracy principle. The qualitative method of source analysis serves to collect data on the processes of becoming neo-militant democracy. The selection of sources is deliberate and oriented on finding information about the implementation of neo-militant democracy measures in Hungary (2008-2019). The technique of qualitative content analysis applies to identify the nature of these processes. The theoretical tool is the category of neo-militant democracy, which simultaneously undergoes the empirical test. The main argument is that the process of becoming neo-militant democracy took a traditional form since the Hungarian neo-militant democracy principle drew on the traditional means introduced by Loewenstein rather than innovations advanced by the current research

  • Elections in Hybrid Regimes

    Author: Ryszard Balicki
    Institution: University of Wrocław
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9192-908X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 159-166
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.12
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5812.pdf

    Elections are nowadays treated as a symbol of a democratic order. However, this view is not true. The institution of elections also occurs in states that are far from being a democracy. However, their course and functions significantly differ from the elections carried out in democratic countries. As it has been shown in the article, the analysis of the title issue becomes particularly important due to the growing group of countries referred to as hybrid regimes.

  • Reforma konstytucyjna w Federacji Rosyjskiej w 2020 r.

    Author: Rafał Czachor
    Institution: Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5929-9719
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 261-276
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.03.17
    PDF: ppk/61/ppk6117.pdf

    Russia’s Constitutional Reform of 2020

    In 2020 took place the most serious constitutional reform in the Russian Federation. The amendments result in the strengthening of the President in the political system, enable V. Putin to maintain power until 2034 and introduce some other significant changes. The aim of the following paper is to present the circumstances of the reform, the contents of the amendments, and their overall summary. Particular attention was paid to the following issues: relations among main institutions of state power, the place of international law in the sources of Russia’s law and other amendments related to constitutional identity and axiology. The reform results in strengthening the position of the President, even though still within the semi-presidential model of the political system, the diminished role of the Parliament, local self-government and deprivation of the autonomy of the judiciary.

  • Droga do i od demokracji – polskie doświadczenia ustrojowe

    Author: Ryszard Balicki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9192-908X
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Pages: 13-24
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.03.01
    PDF: ppk/67/ppk6701.pdf

    Shuttling to and From. The Polish Experience of Democracy

    In many European countries, a crisis of the democratic model of exercising power is noticeable today. This phenomenon is also noticeable in Poland. In the article, the author presents the Polish road to democratic shaping of one’s own, referring to historical experiences from the times of the II RP and PRL. It also draws attention to the moment of a specific breakthrough, which took place in 2015. Since then, the rulers have taken steps to overcome the constitutional mechanisms that inhibit the arbitrariness of exercising power and are striving to centralize governments within one political camp.

  • Bogurodzico, przegoń Putina. Pussy Riot – feministki kontra autorytaryzm w Rosji

    Author: Szymon Wasielewski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3691-6451
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 316-332
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201917
    PDF: siip/18/siip1817.pdf

    Mother of God, Banish Putin. Feminists Against Authoritarianism in Russia

    The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.

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