autorytaryzm

  • Oryginalne rozwiązania systemów rządów na przykładzie Wietnamu

    Author: Jacek Wojnicki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-135
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.03.05
    PDF: ppk/19/ppk1905.pdf

    System of political Democratic Republic of Vietnam (official name state) from 1946 year after world war is in result of imposing from under French occupation on it two factor begin forming – liberation and conquests of authorities by communist group. It model on regulations in constitutional solutions from other states of people’s democracies dating. Year was turning point in history of Vietnamese state systems 1976, which has been set reunification of Vietnam. New state has accepted modified solutions of hitherto existing constitutions only – Socialist Republic of Vietnam easily. Authoritarian character of state belongs to have in mind functioning political system analyzing and in state apparatus of Communist Party of Vietnam predominating role.

  • Poglądy autorytarne a stosunek do demokracji polskich studentów

    Author: Radosław Marzęcki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 130-147
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.07
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5507.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule autor przedstawia problem kryzysu legitymizacyjnego współczesnej demokracji. Dane empiryczne wskazują, że obywatele wielu skonsolidowanych demokracji stają się dzisiaj coraz bardziej nieufni (cyniczni) wobec wartości, jaką jest demokratyczny system polityczny. Okazuje się, że problem ten dotyczy dzisiaj młodszych pokoleń obywateli. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o to, jak młodzi ludzie (studenci) postrzegają i oceniają system polityczny w Polsce, także stara się przedstawić szerszy społeczny kontekst legitymizacji demokracji. Dlatego też analizuje związek pomiędzy preferowanym modelem władzy a poglądami na skali przekonań autorytarnych/demokratycznych.

  • Zmierzch powojennego paradygmatu konstytucyjnego. Artykuł recenzyjny pracy zbiorowej Constitutional Democracy in Crisis?, red. M.A. Graber, S. Levinson, M. Tushnet, ISBN-13: 978-0190888985, ISBN-10: 0190888989, Oxford University Press, New York 2018, ss. 

    Author: Sebastian Kubas
    E-mail: sebastian.kubas@uj.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0024-6679
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 343-363
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.18
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5418.pdf

    “Constitutional Democracy in Crisis?” published in 2018 by Oxford University Press si- gnificantly enriches contemporary debate on constitutional topics. This review article briefly outlines the volume edited by M.A. Graber, S. Levinson and M. Tushnet. What makes this book distinctive is its critical approach to the present status of constitutional democracy, which I associate with the influence of the editors whom I count among the most inspiring current constitutional thinkers. Moreover, this is a truly collaborative ef- fort, not just a collection of papers. An impressive array of contributors produced a de- tailed study on the apparent weakening of many constitutional democracies around the world. Deeds and refusals to obey the law were written down which makes this volume a chronicle of the erosion of democracy during the first two decades of the 21 st century. I argue that the book also shows the decline of the postwar constitutional paradigm and the crisis of the academic reflection about the constitutional law. In this sense the book is like a snapshot of the transitional moment between the discredited past and an unknown future. I expand this theme in the second part of the review drawing on authors such as U. Mattei and L. Nader (the illegality of the rule of law), M.F. Massoud (the use of law to maintain power), F.J. Urbina (a critique of proportionality and balancing), A. Su- likowski (the tension between the constitutional thinking and the modernity), L.M. Se- idman (the constitutional disobedience), M.P. Markowski (the damaging role of values in the political process), J. Dukaj (the politics in the era of post-literacy).

  • O metodologicznych trudnościach badania i opisywania Chin

    Author: Krzysztof Gawlikowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet SWPS
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 50-78
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap201903
    PDF: ap/22/ap2203.pdf

    Some methodological difficulties in studying and analysing China

    The study presents various factors which obstacles adequate description and analysis of Chinese realities in Western scholarly literature. The first factor presented in the article is the psychological mechanism of a “mirror”. As Lynn T. White suggested, since the 17th century, that Westerners look at China not through a ‘window’ but through a ‘mirror’, in which their own fears or most treasured ideals are refl ected, not China itself. Hence their descriptions of China refl ect first of all their state of mind. Peter Hays Gries and Stanley Rosen add to this metaphor another one, that of a procrustean bed. According to these authors, contemporary Western scholars procede like ancient Procrustes who made his captives fit his bed cutting their too long limbs or stretching these too short, in order to adapt Chinese realities to the Western schemes. Sebastian Heilmann and Matthias Stepan in order to explain Western mistaken views of China and expectations presented six wrong assumptions concerning developments in China. Their list is controversial, but it is true that on the Western side there are numerous wrong assumptions concerning China and other Asian states. Thus the Chinese realities are described in a wrong way, and the predictions of future developments are also false.
    The Author put an emphasis on scientific categories and terms elaborated in Europe and the States and considered “universal”, which, however, are not adequate to the Chinese realities. Hence their use results in falsification of descriptions and makes previsions based on them – groundless. He distinguishes two essential kinds of categories and terms borrowed from the West but inadequate to the Chinese realities. The first constitutes the terms which significance does not fit to the Chinese realities, as “language”, “religion”, historical epochs such as “antiquity”, “,Middle Ages”, etc. The second constitutes the terms which meanings involve cultural values. Many of them are difficult to translate into Chinese and they acquire different meanings in the context of Confucian heritage. The Author analyses from this perspective: “human rights”, “democracy” and “freedom”.
    Western scholars are also often mislead by Chinese sources. The study indicates another factor, which facilitates great misunderstandings. According to the cultural norm of the Confucian civilisation there is a “proper façade” presented in public, behind which there are hidden “internal realities”. Of course, such differences could be detected in each culture, but in highly ritualistic Confucian civilisation this distinction is essential, and both parts constitute “complex realities”, whereas Westerners presume that the façade constitutes a whole and complete reality. The Author presents as an example centralised, unitary Leninist state in Chin that is – in his opinion merely a false “public image”, whereas in reality there operate more or less innumerable quite autonomous units, which in fact are not subordinate. Under such circumstances all decisions must be consulted and negotiated among them, like in a federal system, although it does not operate formally. The Westerners also misleads themselves considering their peculiar civilisation as “universal”, whereas there are various civilisations, which will not amalgamate during the modernisation processes. Hence various societies function and change in their own ways, different from the western schemes and expectations.
    The study indicates that the West still predominates and presents its civilisation as universal. However, its predomination faces growing resistance and numerous scholars recognise the existence of numerous civilisations, which will also develop in the future. The author enumerates the most significant concepts such as “dialogue among civilisations and cultures” adopted by the United Nations in 1989, Huntington’s warning against imposing western norms on other civilisations, which may result in their ‘clashes’, the concept of the Axial Age, of Multiple Modernities, and so on. The road to an equal status of all civilisations is long and tortuous. The elaboration of universal scientific categories and principles is even more difficult, and it is, perhaps, a task for future generations of Asian scholars.

  • Elections in Hybrid Regimes

    Author: Ryszard Balicki
    E-mail: ryszard.balicki@uwr.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Wrocław
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9192-908X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 159-166
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.12
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5812.pdf

    Elections are nowadays treated as a symbol of a democratic order. However, this view is not true. The institution of elections also occurs in states that are far from being a democracy. However, their course and functions significantly differ from the elections carried out in democratic countries. As it has been shown in the article, the analysis of the title issue becomes particularly important due to the growing group of countries referred to as hybrid regimes.

  • Reforma konstytucyjna w Federacji Rosyjskiej w 2020 r.

    Author: Rafał Czachor
    E-mail: rczachor@afm.edu.pl
    Institution: Krakowska Akademia im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5929-9719
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 261-276
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.03.17
    PDF: ppk/61/ppk6117.pdf

    Russia’s Constitutional Reform of 2020

    In 2020 took place the most serious constitutional reform in the Russian Federation. The amendments result in the strengthening of the President in the political system, enable V. Putin to maintain power until 2034 and introduce some other significant changes. The aim of the following paper is to present the circumstances of the reform, the contents of the amendments, and their overall summary. Particular attention was paid to the following issues: relations among main institutions of state power, the place of international law in the sources of Russia’s law and other amendments related to constitutional identity and axiology. The reform results in strengthening the position of the President, even though still within the semi-presidential model of the political system, the diminished role of the Parliament, local self-government and deprivation of the autonomy of the judiciary.

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