Brexit

  • SCOTL AND AT THE CROSSROADS: FROM BREXIT TO NEVERRENDUM

    Author: Tomasz Czapiewski
    E-mail: tomasz.czapiewski@usz.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-25
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201601
    PDF: rop/2016/rop201601.pdf

    This article aims to describe the possible variants of the course of events after Brexit, from a Scottish perspective. Three dimensions are taken into the account: future model of UK–EU relations, symmetry of Brexit inside the UK and possibility of the second independence referendum in the near future (less than five years). These dimension have allowed to distinguish three main variants of further development, that are in short named by the author as: passive variant, Scottish exception and another referendum. It seems at this point that the Scottish Government is bound to carry out the second referendum, especially if the British government chooses a variant of the so-called hard Brexit. The European argument, which is so often used by Sturgeon in political debate does not necessarily lead to an increase in support for the independence, especially when eventual membership in the European Union of an independent Scotland is burdened with so many question marks.

  • Further Considerations on ‘Brexit

    Author: Jakub G. Firlus
    E-mail: jakub.firlus@uj.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    Author: Natalie Fox
    E-mail: natalie.fox@uj.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 55-69
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.01.03
    PDF: ppk/35/ppk3503.pdf

    On June 23rd, 2016, the United Kingdom (UK) held an EU-Referendum which resulted in a vote in favor of withdrawing from the European Union (EU). However, in a post-referendum reality, several constitutional issues have become apparent. On one hand, it is not certain whether the Prime Minister, under the royal prerogatives, can trigger Art. 50 of the EU Treaty. On the other hand, the scope of Westminster’s approval must still be determined. It is believed that the judiciary will end up in a constitutional crisis, especially the Supreme Court. At the very least, the suspension of ‘Brexit’ procedures is causing uncertainty on both sides i.e. UK and EU. This paper will pose some of the essential questions being discussed on the eve of the Supreme Court’s decision over ‘Brexit’ in December of 2016/January of 2017.

  • Brytyjskie referenda w sprawie członkostwa w Unii Europejskiej. Kilka uwag na temat historii, polityki i ustroju

    Author: Krzysztof Łokucijewski
    E-mail: big.sur@gazeta.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 185-204
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.06.09
    PDF: ppk/34/ppk3409.pdf

    go państwa. Po ponad 40 latach członkostwa w instytucjach integracji europejskiej Brytania rozpoczyna zupełnie nowy rozdział zarówno w relacjach ze swoimi europejskimi partnerami, jak też w kształtowaniu własnego porządku prawnego. Artykuł przedstawia kontekst historyczny oraz uwarunkowania polityczno-prawne, które sprawiły, że drugie referendum unijne przyniosło zupełnie inny wynik niż to pierwsze, z 1975 r. Dynamika procesów integracji europejskiej miała kluczowy wpływ na wydarzenia na scenie politycznej Zjednoczonego Królestwa, a te z kolei generowały określone zmiany w systemie ustrojowo-prawnym. Omówione zostały pokrótce przekształcenia legislacyjne, które warunkowały przeprowadzenie obu referendów, kampanie referendalne i towarzyszące im debaty oraz implikacje konstytucyjne wynikające ze specyfiki brytyjskiego ustroju.

  • Two British Referenda on the EU, Two Directions of Travel

    Author: Elżbieta Kużelewska
    Institution: University of Białystok
    Author: Bogusia Puchalska
    Institution: University of Central Lancashire in Preston
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 77-96
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.05
    PDF: apsp/56/apsp5605.pdf

    EEC/EU membership has been one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last 45 years. The 1975 referendum confirmed the UK’s will to stay in the EEC, but it failed to put to rest the argument over Europe. The 2016 referendum took Britain into the opposite direction, but it also reinstated the issue of the EU to the prime slot in British politics, where it is going to stay for the many years needed to settle the new relationship with the EU. The main drivers behind both referenda were the power struggle between the main parties and the gradual entrenchment of Euroscepticism as the dominating standpoint in British right-wing politics. The substantive concerns with EEC/ EU membership were merely a backdrop to the partisan battles leading to both referenda, but the crucial differentiating factor in 2016 was the Conservative perception of the threat posed by UKIP. The Eurozone crisis and austerity policies at home added to the potent mix of disillusion among the voters, who became receptive to promises of return to past glories of the UK freed from the shackles of Brussels.

  • The Impact of Brexit and the New Legal Framework for European Statistics in Demography on the Voting Power of Poland in the Council of the European Union

    Author: Marcin Kleinowski
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 141-157
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.59.10
    PDF: apsp/59/apsp5910.pdf

    The article analyses the potential impact of Brexit and the new legal framework for European statistics in demography on the formal voting power of Poland in the Council of the European Union, in the case of adopting decisions by the qualified majority of votes. The leading hypothesis of the paper assumes that the fact of leaving the European Union by Great Britain and the new method of determining the population of EU Member States for the purposes of making decisions in the Council of the European Union leads to another transfer of formal voting power to the benefit of countries with the largest populations, as well as reduces the ability of Poland to build strictly minimally blocking coalitions, in particular in opposition to the coalition being formed by France and Germany or the so-called “Trio of Ventotene”.

  • Zarys relacji politycznych i gospodarczych między Polską i Wielką Brytanią w latach 1990–2018

    Author: Robert Jakimowicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 108-140
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm201806
    PDF: ksm/23/ksm201806.pdf

    The article is focused on the political and economic relations between Poland and Great Britain in last three decades. In first part of the article it was introduced the evolution of the most important political events in bilateral relations and convergent and divergent matters relates to the business of both states before and after the obtainment by the Poland of the membership in NATO and the European Union. Asymmetry among both countries in the political and economic aspect was also underlined. In second part of the article, the attention was concentrated on the analysis of mutual economic relations, in this the growth of trade turnover, services and investments. Consequences for Poland connected with the exit of Great Britain from European Union become also approximate. Four principal conclusions were introduced in the end of the article.

  • Brexit w świetle wybranych teorii (dez)integracji europejskiej

    Author: Krzysztof Zuba
    Institution: Uniwersytet Opolski
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 174-193
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.61.10
    PDF: apsp/61/apsp6110.pdf

    Ujawniające się w ramach Unii Europejskiej (UE) procesy dezintegracyjne wywołują potrzebę i postulaty stworzenia teorii dezintegracji europejskiej. Obecnie możemy mówić co najwyżej o istnieniu zaczątków takich teorii. W niniejszym opracowaniu podjęto próbę wykazania, że istniejące teorie integracji europejskiej mogą być z powodzeniem wykorzystane do analizy procesów dezintegracyjnych. Można tego dokonać relatywnie prostym zabiegiem, poprzez potraktowanie ich w sposób „odwrócony”. Innymi słowy, teorie te – tak jak można stosować przy eksplanacji procesów integracji, tak też można zastosować dla wyjaśnienia, dlaczego niektóre państwa nie chcą lub nie mogą uczestniczyć w procesach zbyt daleko idącej integracji europejskiej. W artykule niniejszym, wykorzystując metodę studium przypadku, wskazano na potencjał, jaki posiadają dwie teorie integracji: federalistyczna i międzyrządowa w wyjaśnieniu fenomenu Brexitu. Rozpoczęcie negocjacji o wyjściu Wielkiej Brytanii z UE przedstawia się jako skutek bądź to nieprzystawalności i braku akceptacji dla modelu federalistycznego, bądź to jako fiasko promowanego modelu integracji międzyrządowej.

  • Brexit, Devolution and Scottish Independence. Political and Legal Impact of the Sewel Convention in the UK

    Author: Cyprian Liske
    E-mail: Cyprian_liske@o2.pl
    Institution: Jagiellonian University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8701-3581
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 253-266
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.06.19
    PDF: ppk/52/ppk5219.pdf

    The upcoming withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union is a source of tensions within the political system of the UK. Devolution is most likely to be affected by Brexit which can lead to conflicts between the UK as a whole and Scotland as its part. The Sewel Convention is a political constitutional norm establishing non-legal rules of cooperation between these two political bodies. Despite having been written in a statute, the Sewel Convention remains unenforceable by the courts. Nonetheless, the political consequences of diminishing it may be severe. The discrepancy between the political strength of Scottish nationalism, confirmed in the latest general election, and constitutional lack of Scottish “voice” in regard to Brexit may lead to a severe political crisis within the UK.

  • Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

    Author: Paul McNamara
    E-mail: paulmcnamara@hotmail.com
    Institution: Technical University of Koszalin (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1688-1709
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 92-126
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020206
    PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020206.pdf

    The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.

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