Central Asia

  • International Higher Education as Foreign Policy: Comparing the Strategies of the EU, China, and Russia Towards Central Asia

    Author: Kerry Anne Longhurst
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4710-2640
    Author: Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1677-986X
    Author: Katarzyna Skiert-Andrzejuk
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4451-5092
    Published online: 15 July 2022
    Final submission: 16 March 2022
    Printed issue: 2022
    Source: Show
    Page no: 13
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202228
    PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202228.pdf

    The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.

  • Comparative Analysis of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and European Union Strategy on Central Asia: Confrontation or Cooperation?

    Author: Danylo Stonis
    Institution: Matej Bel University in Banská Bystrica (Slovak Republic)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4771-0144
    Published online: 15 July 2022
    Final submission: 15 June 2022
    Printed issue: 2022
    Source: Show
    Page no: 22
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202230
    PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202230.pdf

    In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) turned 20 years old. With “Shanghai Spirit” as its guiding principle, the scope of SCO’s activity has significantly expanded, recently adding India and Pakistan to its members. As a result, SCO policy has heavily influenced the Central Asia region. In response, in 2019, the EU launched a new strategy for Central Asia, adopting “connectivity” as its core concept. As a result, both SCO and EU strategies in Central Asia tend to conflict with each other, thus leading to uneven and inconsistent development of the region. Therefore, this paper aims to identify contradictions between SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” guiding principle and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” by comparing the SCO and EU strategies toward Central Asia. The methodology in the paper involves a qualitative comparative method, including two qualitative case studies, represented by the SCO’s “Shanghai Spirit” and the EU’s concept of “connectivity” in their strategies on Central Asia. The article concludes that contestation between the SCO and the EU policies in Central Asia impedes stable development of the region, and therefore, a compromise between both policies in Central Asia is suggested.

  • Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Realist Approach

    Author: Jildiz Nicharapova
    Institution: American University of Central Asia in Bishkek
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8745-3533
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-24
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201901
    PDF: siip/18/siip1801.pdf

    The main goal of this paper is an analysis of activities, purposes, problems of the (SCO) since its inception in order to understand what is the main reason behind its creation and existence? What are its achievements and what benefits have got each member state? Is it beneficial to all members? The hypothesis is that SCO serves only its big members, it was intended to be a China’s tool to enter Central Asia without vexing Russia. The article analyzes the activities of the SCO with the existing theories in IR in order to answer these questions. The main objective of the SCO was an attempt by the powers of the Central Asia to control the region. The SCO faces problems of distrust between its members. It is a very important instrument of guaranteeing Sino-Central Asian partnership. It is also a guarantee that China will never dominate Central Asia due to many signed agreements within the organization. With more than twenty years of history and existence, the SCO may become a real force on the international arena. The SCO’s intention is to become a world power and to construct a fairer international order. The SCO has the economic potential and political will to do it.

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