democracy

  • Aktywność Komisji Weneckiej na rzecz poprawy standardów demokratycznych w prawodawstwie Czarnogóry w latach 2011–2014

    Author: Michał Klimkowski
    E-mail: mgk7@o2.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 247-261
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.04.14
    PDF: ppk/44/ppk4414.pdf

    Niniejsza praca jest próbą ukazania aktywności Komisji Weneckiej względem Czarnogóry w latach 2011–2014. Komisja na rzecz Demokracji przez Prawo skupia swoją działalność przede wszystkim na prawie konstytucyjnym, analizując nie tylko projekty zmian w ustawach zasadniczych, ale także wszelkie poprawki do konstytucji oraz inne akty prawne związane z zasadniczym porządkiem ustrojowym. Opisywane w tekście działania Komisji odnoszą się do Czarnogóry, będącą demokracją parlamentarną, której ustrój polityczny reguluje Konstytucja z 2007 r. Państwo to ubiega się o członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej, która rozpoczęła negocjacje akcesyjne w czerwcu 2012 r. Jednak w kwestii dostępowania do standardów europejskich jest jeszcze wiele kwestii, które wymagają znacznej uwagi, by osiągnąć pożądany stan, zgodny z normami funkcjonującymi na Zachodzie Europy.
    Pierwsza część tekstu to wprowadzenie do tematyki działalności Komisji Weneckiej. Druga część dotyczy aktywności Komisji w kwestiach pomocy prawnej i jej misji na rzecz poprawy standardów demokratycznych i ochrony praw człowieka. Trzecia część tekstu to próba zaprezentowania wpływu Komisji Weneckiej, poprzez jej opinie i zalecenia, na proces prawodawczy Czarnogóry. Skoncentrowano się w nim na aktywności Komisji oraz jej ewentualnego wpływu na poprawę przestrzegania standardów demokratycznych w Czarnogórze. Myśl końcowa stanowi z kolei próbę wyciągnięcia wniosków z przeanalizowanego materiału.

  • Electoral System of the Republic of Belarus after 25 Years of Independence

    Author: Anna Kuleszewicz
    E-mail: ak32528@amu.edu.pl
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 618-627
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018402
    PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy2018402.pdf

    This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country’s political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.

  • Poglądy autorytarne a stosunek do demokracji polskich studentów

    Author: Radosław Marzęcki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 130-147
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.07
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5507.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule autor przedstawia problem kryzysu legitymizacyjnego współczesnej demokracji. Dane empiryczne wskazują, że obywatele wielu skonsolidowanych demokracji stają się dzisiaj coraz bardziej nieufni (cyniczni) wobec wartości, jaką jest demokratyczny system polityczny. Okazuje się, że problem ten dotyczy dzisiaj młodszych pokoleń obywateli. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć na pytanie o to, jak młodzi ludzie (studenci) postrzegają i oceniają system polityczny w Polsce, także stara się przedstawić szerszy społeczny kontekst legitymizacji demokracji. Dlatego też analizuje związek pomiędzy preferowanym modelem władzy a poglądami na skali przekonań autorytarnych/demokratycznych.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism (Part 2)

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 236–255
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.14
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5214.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

  • Budżet obywatelski instrumentem rozwoju kapitału społecznego

    Author: Mateusz Radziszewski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 131–154
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.51.08
    PDF: apsp/51/apsp5108.pdf

    Artykuł jest analizą roli budżetu partycypacyjnego w procesie partycypacji społecznej. Przedstawione trzy modele jego funkcjonowania prezentują różny ich wpływ na jakość kapitału społecznego, czyli cechy społeczeństwa objawiające się wysokim poziomem zaufania, współpracy oraz więzi społecznych między obywatelami. W celu przeprowadzenia analizy zostanie zastosowana koncepcja kapitału społecznego i wspólnot obywatelskich Roberta Putnama.

  • Kryzys demokracji na wschodzie? Frekwencja wyborcza w nowych krajach związkowych RFN 25 lat po zjednoczeniu

    Author: Krzysztof Koźbiał
    Institution: Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Zawodowa im. rtm. W. Pileckiego w Oświęcimiu
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 138–153
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.49.08
    PDF: apsp/49/apsp4908.pdf

    Zarówno w wyborach do Bundestagu, jak i parlamentów krajów związkowych, frekwencja na wschodzie Niemiec jest niższa niż na zachodzie. Jest to jedna z pochodnych innego rozwoju tej części państwa (obszar byłej NRD), a zarazem dowód na „niedokończone zjednoczenie”. W artykule porównano frekwencję wyborczą w obu częściach RFN, próbując nakreślić przyczyny rozbieżności.
    Mimo upływu lat różnice w poziomie frekwencji są widoczne. Należy to wiązać z innym wzorem zachowań politycznych na obszarze byłej NRD, innym postrzeganiem roli państwa w demokracji, demograficznymi następstwami zjednoczenia, jak i wyższym poziomem bezrobocia. Z kolei rozbieżności nie są zauważalne w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego, co należy tłumaczyć mniejszym zainteresowaniem wyborców dla tego rodzaju elekcji.

  • The Symbolism of Populism

    Author: Andrei Taranu
    Institution: National School of Political Sciences and Public Administration in Bucharest
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 64–75
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.05
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4805.pdf

    The vast majority of the papers on populism describe this political phenomenon as one which is very difficult to explain and to analyze due to its discursive versatility and behavioural chameleonism. Furthermore, I would argue that the term populism covers more political and social realities than one single term would normally concentrate from a semantic point of view. I focus more over the psychological roots of populism which can be observed in the political symbolic field. In that manner, I consider that political symbolic, as part of the behavioural theory, can be a better tool for unveiling the populist discourse than the usual techniques of political analysis.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University, Budapest
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 247–262
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.16
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4816.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

  • Samorząd w niepodległej Polsce – zarys historii i znaczenie

    Author: Joanna Dzwończyk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 36-50
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm201803
    PDF: ksm/23/ksm201803.pdf

    The text presents an outline of the history of local government development in Poland over the last hundred years, with particular emphasis on the last three decades. Its importance was discussed in the process of decentralization and democratization of the broadly understood political system. It was emphasized that it was this segment that was the first to be subjected to democratic changes and that it is in this area, both objectively and in the opinion of the public, that one can speak about the greatest success in rebuilding the social and political system of Poland. The extremely important role of self-government in the socio-economic development of the state was also pointed out, which is also connected with the fact that in no other country local governments play such a significant role in using EU structural funds. The role of local self-government as a school of democracy was also presented, showing that it is increasingly a kind of a center for the cadres of central power elites. Particular emphasis was placed on the fact that it is at this level that the instruments of direct democracy are used to the greatest extent, which favors democratic education in increasing social subjectivity. . It was also pointed out that after the parliamentary elections in 2015, won by the "Prawica Razem" coalition, the central authorities are taking steps to strengthen their position in relation to the local government.

  • Przyszłość przez przeszłość – rola historii w koncepcji patriotyzmu konstytucyjnego Jürgena Habermasa

    Author: Mikołaj Raczyński
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 66-80
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201604
    PDF: siip/15/siip1504.pdf

    The future by the past: The role of history in the concept of constitutional patriotism of Jürgen Habermas

    The definition of patriotism is usually restricted to the conclusion that its aim is mere cultivation of the historical memory. However, patriotism has two distinct faces: one pointed at the past and the other focused on the present. What is more, in the opinion of many scholars, patriotism doesn’t need to be closely related to one nation or culture. An interesting concept of constitutional patriotism was developed by German historians and philosophers during the debate on national identity after World War II. Jürgen Habermas has been one of the founders of this project. According to the German philosopher, constitutional patriotism doesn’t mean just positivist constitutional acts, but some abstract forms, interpretations of a particular community. Such universal principles may be, for instance, procedures of sovereignty and liberal rights. The following article conveys arguments indicating that the role of history is very important in the concept of constitutional patriotism by Jürgen Habermas.

  • Bariery konsolidacji demokracji lokalnej: prezentyzm i recentywizm

    Author: Marcin Wałdoch
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 81-95
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201605
    PDF: siip/15/siip1505.pdf

    Barries for consolidaton of local democracy: presentism and recentivism

    Constructing collective identity is one of the most crucial challenge for political power which seek legitimization. Pursuing such aim political actors choose different tools due to theirs ideological affiliation and political roots. One may observe in local Poland that depoliticization process play its role. This have a great impact on local communities. That is why local political elites make barriers for disputing history by using two techniques: presentism (is the view that neither the future nor the past exist – past times must meet present political requirements) and recentivism (only present time exist). Such practice of political power makes barriers for consolidation of democracy.

  • Socjalizacja i edukacja polityczna jako ważne determinanty kultury politycznej

    Author: Grzegorz Piwnicki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 27-48
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201802
    PDF: cip/16/cip1602.pdf

    Uznaje się, że polityka jest częścią życia społecznego, dlatego jest również częścią kultury. W drugiej połowie XX w. kultura polityczna stała się obiektem analiz politologów w świecie oraz w Polsce. W związku z tym zaczęto postrzegać kulturę polityczną, jako komponent kultury w dosłownym znaczeniu przez pryzmat ogółu materialnych i niematerialnych wytworów życia społecznego. Stało się to asumptem do rozszerzenia się definicji kultury politycznej o takie składniki, jak instytucje polityczne oraz system socjalizacji oraz edukacji politycznej. Celem tego było wzmocnienie demokratycznego systemu politycznego poprzez przesunięcie z elementów indywidualnych na ogólnospołeczne.

  • Czy polskie partie są demokratyczne?

    Author: Łukasz Tomczak
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 84-97
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.47.05
    PDF: apsp/47/apsp4705.pdf

    ARE THE POLISH PARTIES DEMOCRATIC?

    The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland).
    The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.

  • Trzy Deklaracje praw człowieka i obywatela zmienne pryncypia Wielkiej Rewolucji Francuskiej

    Author: Zbigniew Filipiak
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 74-91
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2017.03.05
    PDF: kie/117/kie11705.pdf

    One of the symbols of the Great French Revolution was the Declarations of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen-a document adopted by the National Constituent Assembly on August 26, 1789, collecting fundamental rights and the constitutional principles of a democratic state. It later became a lofty introduction to the 1791 constitution. The French had yet to receive two declarations, attached to the following basic acts-from 1793 and 1795. Their content was different, and even when some of their rights were repeated, they often differed in their approach, which indicated the changing ruling teams, their political programs, and their social background. In addition to indicating the differences between the three declarations, the article shows in particular the inspirations of the first (most important) of them-basically the influence of the Enlightenment thought and the declaration of the laws of the states of North America. The author draws attention to the differences between the American and French approaches to human rights. Despite the fact that after 1795 no further declaration of rights was ever made in France, the achievements of the Great French Revolution, and especially the 1789 document, remain today a point of reference for democrats in France and all over the world.

  • Ku społeczeństwu obywatelskiemu. Czego dziś może nas nauczyć pragmatyzm?

    Author: Marcin Kilanowski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 50-62
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2017.01.03
    PDF: kie/115/kie11503.pdf

    It can be striking for us today that when so little divides us there is still so much that separates us from each other. We observe the fragility of social cohesion and witness the degradation of social capital even though some say that our religious belief as well as material conditions or differences in political rights no longer divide us. In the light of critical observations, one can say that there is a need to reconcile people with each other, to establish bonds between us, that we need to establish civil society. When trying to establish a well-functioning civil society we have to ask ourselves a few crucial questions. These questions include: How can Western individualism be combined with the values of community and social solidarity? What are the necessary conditions for freedom and solidarity among people? To answer these questions it is worth reaching the philosophical thought of John Dewey and Roberto Unger. In his text Roberto Unger points out that today’s social and political order is not something solid and stable. Even our democratic order that I was referring to in this paper faces challenges that may undermine its base. Without the right preparation to face these challenges-through responsible and critical public participation and deliberation-it is possible that instead of us having some sort of possibility of steering the growth of our societies and having an impact on political and economic evolution, the evolving situations will steer us. If this happens, we will be left behind, being unable to grasp and handle the different new situations.

  • What Kind of Politics Do We Need? Toward Freedom as Responsibility in Habermas’s and Rorty’s Visions of Democracy

    Author: Marcin Kilanowski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 50-68
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2017.02.03
    PDF: kie/116/kie11603.pdf

    Isaiah Berlin said that it is part of the human condition to make choices between absolute values. Obviously, this choice cannot be easy. To be well informed, it has to be made in full awareness of the contingency of our criteria. This ability to make choices between absolute values in the light of contingencies is what distinguishes a civilized man from a barbarian, says Berlin, following Joseph Schumpeter. Similar ideas can be found in the philosophy of Richard Rorty, who believes that our liberal societies create more people who understand the contingencies of their vocabularies, but at the same time are still faithful to them. He calls this “freedom as acknowledgement of contingency.” This freedom is bound by the existence of a plurality of voices, which does not mean that it is bound by the existence of chaos. In such a spirit, Jürgen Habermas emphasizes the fact that in spite of the plurality of contingent views, we can find a unity of reason. In spite of plurality of views, we can still come to an agreement thanks to dialogue. The close analysis of Rorty’s and Habermas’s philosophy allows us to see that they share a common stance: thanks to disenchantment of the world, as Rorty says, or thanks to decentralization of the world, as Habermas says. Both are seeing such stance as a precondition to use our freedom in a way to be more tolerant, more open to dialogue and responsible for it. Further analysis allows us to see that there is a possibility to present a new understanding of the notion of freedom-freedom conceived as responsibility.

  • Viktor Orban’s Illiberal Democracy in the Indices of the Quality of Democracy

    Author: Karolina Gawron-Tabor
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 46-62
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2016.04.03
    PDF: kie/114/kie11403.pdf

    The aim of the article is to analyse the assessment of Hungary presented in two democracy’s indices: the Freedom in the World Index and the Bertelsmann Stiffung Index in years 2010 - 2016. The research problem is to identify which of the elements shaping the democracy in Hungary in accordance with the indices have deteriorated. The research is based on the analysis of the content and the existing data. The evaluations of Hungary in the indices of democracy have deteriorated since 2010 when Orban and Fidesz won the parliamentary election and gained power (up to 2016). The changes introduced by Orban in the Constitutional Court and the judiciary, the adoption of a new Basic Law, a new electoral law and the media law cast a shadow over Hungarian democracy. Indices show that the four basic principles of a democratic state have been violated, namely 1) the rule of law, 2) the separation of authorities 3) free and fair elections, and 4) freedom of expression.

  • Multiculturalism and Liberal Democracy

    Author: Andrzej Szahaj
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 209-220
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2016.02.15
    PDF: kie/112/kie11215.pdf

    The main goal of the article is to show the possible ways of thinking about the relation between multiculturalism and liberal democracy. Author of the article tries to present some troubles with reconciliation of such political culture and elements of multicultural ideology which supports rights of member of foreign (nonwestern) communities to manifest their cultural convictions freely. In his opinion that would be a little bit naïve to think that all elements of political culture connected with liberal democracy can be accepted by members of the communities in questions. That is why he articulates the thesis that some conflicts between them and people faithful to the ideas of liberal democracy are inevitable and that it cannot be found possible solution of these conflicts which can be gladly accepted by all sides. Someone will have to give up some parts of cultural heritage of a given community if we are supposed to live in peace together. Although the author of the article believes that this resignation should not be limited to only one side of the potential conflict he argues that a political culture of liberal democracy is so precious that its defenders should not abandon it for the sake of ideas of multicultural society even if this brings about some pain on the side of their interlocutors.

  • Kapitał społeczny jako czynnik rozwoju społeczeństwa i państwa

    Author: Mateusz Radziszewski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-31
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.62.01
    PDF: apsp/62/apsp6201.pdf

    Niniejszy artykuł traktuje na temat społeczeństwa obywatelskiego jako potencjalnego instrumentu mogącego wpłynąć na podniesienie jakości demokratycznego systemu politycznego. Ukazanie źródeł sfery obywatelskiej oraz wskazanie na czynniki ją sankcjonujące, poprzez wykorzystanie koncepcji kapitału społecznego, umożliwia pogłębioną analizę relacji społecznych w wymiarze społecznym, jak i politycznym. W tym celu należy odwołać się do szerokiego dorobku badaczy z zakresu nauk społecznych, których efektem będzie modelowa analiza zjawiska tworzenia się społeczeństwa obywatelskiego oraz jego potencjalnych efektów dla całego systemu politycznego.

  • Polish April Constitution of 1935 and Constitution of the Fifth Republic of France of 1958. Apparent Affinity

    Author: Kazimierz Michał Ujazdowski
    E-mail: kmujazdowski@wpia.uni.lodz.pl
    Institution: University of Lodz
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/000-0002-3156-1842
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 351-362
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.23
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5123.pdf

    A large number of authors, both academics and novelists, contend that there is an affinity between the Polish April Constitution of 1935 and that of the Fifth Republic of France. In their view, such an affinity results from the dominant political position of the president, his powers and general consolidation of the executive power2. Another reason for such an assertion is a similar model of leadership adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle. Some authors even assert that “Polish Constitution was an inspiration for the constitutional thought of general de Gaulle”3. Special attention should be paid to the different axiology of the two constitutions, including rigidity of the April Constitution provisions, designed exclusively for the presidential system, and distrust of the Polish constitutional thought in direct democracy. Different leadership models adopted by Piłsudski and de Gaulle also contributed to the general disparities between Polish and French fundamental statutes discussed in this paper.

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