demokracja bezpośrednia

  • The Legality of the Catalan Independence Referendums

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: University of Gdańsk
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 87-99
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.05
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4005.pdf

    During the last decade the separatist activities of the Catalan nationalists have intensified. Despite the enactment of the Statute of Autonomy in 2006, extending the existing autonomy of the Autonomous Community, Catalonia’s governing political parties strived for total independence. In view of the consistent attitude of the central government in Madrid refusing any concessions on the extension of autonomy or independence, the Autonomous Government of Catalonia (Generalitat) appealed to the institutions of direct democracy, calling twice for a Catalan referendum on independence. In both cases, the Spanish Constitutional Court declared the referendum unlawful. In spite of this, Catalonia declared independence after the referendum of October 1st, 2017, although the effects of the declaration were also suspended – a situation so far unknown to law.

  • Instytucje demokracji bezpośredniej w systemie samorządu lokalnego w Republice Białoruś

    Author: Rafał Czachor
    E-mail: r.czachor@ujw.pl
    Institution: Uczelnia Jana Wyżykowskiego w Poklowicach
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 155-172
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.01.08
    PDF: ppk/35/ppk3508.pdf

    Local self-government in the Republic of Belarus is an institution of constitutional law. It declares functioning of institutions of direct and indirect democracy. The aim of following paper is to describe legal aspects of institutions of direct democracy in the system of local self-government in Belarus including local referendum, local assembly and territorial social self-government. It discusses also problems in implementation of direct democracy mechanisms, relating this with the specificity of nondemocratic political regime in contemporary Belarus.

  • People’s initiative of putting a bill before the parliament – Polish case

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    E-mail: chatazawsia@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 247-265
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.06.13
    PDF: ppk/34/ppk3413.pdf

    The Polish law provides for two types of people’s initiative. One type is a people’s initiative of putting a bill before the parliament as provided for in Art. 118 subpar. 2 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and the Act dated 24 June 1999 on the use of a legislative initiative by citizens. The second type is a people’s initiative of putting forward a motion to hold a legislative referendum regulated by the Act dated 14 March 2003 on holding a national referendum. The legislature did not provide for, however, a people’s initiative for the purpose of amending the constitution or its abrogation. The subject of this paper is the institution of a people’s initiative of putting a bill before the parliament.

  • Zarządzenie referendum ogólnokrajowego przez Prezydenta RP w sprawach o szczególnym znaczeniu dla państwa (wybrane problemy)

    Author: Magdalena Wrzalik
    E-mail: magdalena@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 29-44
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.04.02
    PDF: ppk/38/ppk3802.pdf

    The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 granted the President of the Republic of Poland the right to order a nationwide referendum on issues of special importance for the state. Managing such a referendum is not made by the President of the Republic of Poland alone but requires the consent of the Senate in the form of a resolution. In Poland, after the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland in 1997, the institution of the referendum was to use only three times. The last referendum, which is the subject of the analysis was ordered on September 6, 2015. The problem of ordering a referendum by the President of the Republic of Poland, although seemingly obvious, gave birth to a number of practical problems – interpretation used the term “cases of special importance for the country,” judicial supervision of constitutionality and legality of the referendum, the correctness of the formulation of the referendum question.

  • Ocena skuteczności szwajcarskiej ludowej inicjatywy konstytucyjnej – kilka uwag na temat rozwiązań prawnych na podstawie analizy praktyki ustrojowej

    Author: Hanna Bednarz
    E-mail: hannabednarz@yahoo.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 77-102
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2015.04.04
    PDF: ppk/26/ppk2604.pdf

    The Swiss constitutional popular initiative is often perceived as a prime example of such institution. It is characterized by its direct type (it is directly submitted to the vote of the people), it can be presented in a form of either a draft proposal or an idea for a future amendment, it is not thematically limited and finally, the conditions for its approval are not too rigorous. For its assessment to be complete, its practical application also needs to be analyzed. Since it is only the Federal Constitution that can be amended in a way of the popular initiative, usually the amended provisions need to be subsequently concretized by lower-rang legal acts which can allow the Federal Assembly to neutralize the goals of the initiative committee. In order to assess the effectiveness of this institution, the initiatives submitted to the vote of the people and the cantons between 2001 and 2014 were analyzed, with a particular attention being paid to the accepted initiatives and the subsequent legislative process commenced to enact legal acts aiming at concretizing the constitutional provisions.

  • Nowe formy demokracji bezpośredniej w systemie prawa polskiego

    Author: Jarosław Skowyra
    E-mail: jarek.skowyra@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 109-123
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.04.07
    PDF: ppk/32/ppk3207.pdf

    Niniejszy artykuł przedstawia zagadnienie dotyczące obecności nowych form demokracji bezpośredniej w systemie prawa polskiego. Autor przybliża konstytucyjną instytucję demokracji bezpośredniej, aby następnie przejść do przedstawienia i analizy nowych form demokracji obywatelskiej. Zdaniem autora, dotychczasowa literatura związana z zagadnieniem demokracji bezpośredniej skupia się na analizie jej tradycyjnych form, takich jak referendum czy też obywatelska inicjatywa ustawodawcza. Zauważyć można natomiast brak pozycji, która w całej swojej zawartości odnosiłaby się do zagadnienia związanego z obecnością nowych form demokracji bezpośredniej w systemie prawa polskiego. Toteż celem publikacji jest wypełnienie zarysowanej luki. Z uwagi na ograniczenie przedmiotu rozważań do systemu prawa polskiego, w tekście nie zostaną poruszone okoliczności związane z rozwojem pozakonstytucyjnych form demokracji bezpośredniej w obcych systemach prawnych.

  • Lokalne grupy działania jako forma partycypacji na szczeblu lokalnym

    Author: Anna Kołomycew
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 103-114
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.08
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk108.pdf

    Presented paper aims at different forms of civic participation and especially focuses on Local Action Groups. First part of presented paper includes considerations relative to the idea of social participation and practical aspects of its introduction. The follow-up with presented article takes over different forms of civic participa- tion at local level which were provided by legal regulations (direct forms of participatory democracy). The paper also focuses on solutions based on cooperation of sector partners. Local Action Groups, created within the framework of LEADER+Programme, are the example of three-part cooperation. The main purpose of the LAG creation was to support local development in rural areas. The next aspect of mentioned programme was to activate the residents of rural areas. The LAG are interesting subject for further researching because of its special legal status, the way of emergence and the mechanisms of supervision. Established rules of the LAG running, can cause weakening of the idea of the rank-and-file initiative and participation and reducing social community commitment.

  • rola i znaczenie instytucji referendum we współczesnych włoszech

    Author: Małgorzata Lorencka
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 177-189
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.14
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk114.pdf

    The institution of a nationwide referendum in postwar Italy is one of the key elements of the socio-political changes, particularly in the presence of the indolence of the political elite and the so-called process of “unfinished constitutional transition” after 1993. The Constitution of the Italian Republic of 1947 provides for three basic forms of the referendum: a law-repealing referendum, a facultative constitutional referendum and a consultative referendum. Since the enactment of the Law on the referendum and the legislative initiative of 25 May 1970, was conducted in Italy 62 law-repealing referendums, two facultative constitutional referendums, and one consultative referendum . The law-repealing referendums concern such important issues as the introduction of divorce, abortion, artificial insemination, the abolition of life imprisonment, the construction of nuclear power plants until the changes in the financing of political parties and changes in electoral laws for both houses of Parliament. In the constitutional referendum of 2001, the citizens approved the rebuilding of the regional structure of the state, in referendum of 2006 pro- tested against the reform proposals presented by the authorities of a center-right government of Silvio Berlusconi. The only one consultative referendum concern approved the creation of the European Parliament. By reason of the importance of issues raised and the number carried out the referendum, especially in recent years, Italy is often referred to as “the republic of referendums”. However, the sore point of this form of direct democracy is decreasing voter participation, which leads to the absence of a quorum thus void consultation in case of a law-repealing referendum. Since 1997, the last 25 law-repealing referendums did not reach the required quorum, which raises further questions about the future of this institution.

  • Prawo petycji w Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

    Author: Halina Zięba-Załucka
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Informatyki i Zarządzania w Rzeszowie
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-22
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.04.01
    PDF: ppk/04/ppk401.pdf

    The right of petition in Poland is a law resulting from art. 63 of the Constitution of 2 April 1997. The author shows the bill on petitions prepared by the Senate, indicating that yet there have not been made the constitutional announcement in this regard. The paper also shows examples of the types, scope and functions of the petition in different jurisdictions. Right to petition is also a constitutional law in Belgium, Spain, Italy, Slovenia, Denmark, Portugal, Slovakia, Greece, Macedonia, Ukraine, Lithuania, France. It should be emphasized that there are different forms of possible instances of the citizen to the authorities: the petition, complaint and request. In various countries the situation is unstable. Frequently the petitions have been defined. Sometimes, however, terms petition and complaint are terms used interchange- ably. But mostly, where the laws on petitions are enacted, such definition exists.,eg. in the Czech Republic, Russia, Hungary.

  • Zastosowanie inicjatywy ludowej w Konfederacji Szwajcarskiej

    Author: Hanna Bednarz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 143-171
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2013.01.07
    PDF: ppk/13/ppk1307.pdf

    The institutions of direct democracy are being applied in the Swiss Confederation on a scale that is incomparable with any other country. The popular initiative itself is being used by various interest groups, as well as by political parties, at least a few times each year. This article aims at presenting in a complex manner both legal and practical aspects of the popular initiative’s application in the Swiss Confederation. The first part of the article deals with the origin and the development of the direct democracy institutions throughout the years. In the next part the legal regulations concerning the popular initiative and the proceedings relating to it (from its submission to results’ publication and possibilities of their verification) are being presented. The following fragment of the article describes the interest groups and political parties submitting the initiatives and also initiatives’ objects. The article is concluded by the presentation of the various purposes, which popular initiative can serve, apart from its aim to amend the Federal Constitution.

  • Konstytucyjne formy aktywności narodu w procesie sprawowania władzy publicznej

    Author: Grzegorz Kryszeń
    Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 155-185
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.11
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1811.pdf

    Constitutional forms of the nation’s activity in the process of executing public authority The aim of the paper is to present a complete and consistent classification of forms of activity of the nation as the collective subject of sovereign authority in the process of exercising public authority stipulated in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2nd April 1997. The proposed typology of these forms is based on the uniform criterion – the legal effect of the formulated will of the community. Using this criterion leads to isolating two main dimensions of the above-mentioned activity of the nation. In the first of them, the nation acts as the actual sovereign and consequently, their acts of will have an absolutely decisive character. This occurs when – in accordance with Article 4 section 2 of the Constitution – the nation „exercises such power directly or through their representatives”, which means within the framework of so-called representative democracy (particularly electing their representatives and calling the previous mandataries to account for their achievements in the finishing term of office by means of the next election, and in the case of territorial selfgovernment bodies, also by means of the institution of revocability), or „directly” (by way of a referendum). All the other forms of social activity provided for in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland and otherwise involve the cooperation of citizens and groups of citizens in executing power by public authority bodies, both representative and non-representative ones. Due to their consultative power or merely inspirational character, they can be collectively referred to as „expressing opinions and providing inspiration in the matter of exercising public authority”.

  • Referendum i co dalej? O wyniku referendum ogólnokrajowego i jego skutkach

    Author: Piotr Uziębło
    E-mail: piotr.uzieblo@ug.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2473-9240
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 29-45
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.02
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5402.pdf

    In this article, the Author focused on analyzing the consequences of referendum deci- sions on the basis of Polish constitutional law, including the manner of their implemen- tation into the Polish legal order, if such actions are necessary. He indicates that a signif- icant complication related to the implementation of the referendum result is the inability to directly adopt laws in a referendum in the Polish political system, as well as imprecise regulations contained in the Act on National Referendum. He also states that it is worth considering to define the threshold for the binding nature of the referendum on the ba- sis of the level of support for the winning solution instead of the turnout in the popular vote. This would prevent the tactical absence, which under current conditions may lead to the lack of binding nature of such referendum. The danger is also caused by the lack of a grace period that would not allow for a specified period of time to implement leg- islative amendments violating the referendum result. This creates an essential fiction of the final result of such a referendum.

  • Referendum zagrożeniem dla porządku demokratycznego? Refleksje dotyczące polskiej regulacji prawnej i praktyki referendalnej na tle najnowszych opinii zagranicznej doktryny prawa konstytucyjnego i nauk politycznych

    Author: Marcin M. Wiszowaty
    E-mail: mwiszowaty@konstytuty.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9740-2457
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 91-113
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.05
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5405.pdf

    In the latest literature on the subject, one can notice an increase in interest in direct de- mocracy on the one hand, and on the other – a clear increase in the skepticism of research- ers towards the idea of making binding and important decisions for the state by popu- lar vote. The purpose of this article is to present and analyze the latest views of foreign doctrine of constitutional law (and, in addition: political science) about the institution of the referendum and to compare them with the (general) analysis of the legal regula- tion of this institution in Poland, as well as to present the real impact of referendums on the decision-making process and public policies in Poland. As a result, an attempt will be made to assess the Polish legal regulation of referendum institutions in terms of their effectiveness on the one hand, and potential threats (or resistance to threats) to the democratic order on the other. Although direct democracy, and especially a referen- dum, have a wide range of critics in the scientific community accusing it of even being anti-democratic, radical proposals calling for the complete abolition of referendums are rare. The postulates of appropriate changes in the legal regulation concerning the ref- erendum prevail in order to make it resistant to dangerous modern phenomena: popu- lism, political cynicism, manipulation and propaganda. The implementation of all pos- tulates for changes reported by representatives of science will be very difficult. Noticing this fact may cause that the referendum will become a decision-making procedure very rarely launched. This seems to be the intention of researchers who submit their propos- als and reservations – that direct democracy should be only an exception to representa- tive democracy and that the former should not be used against the latter.

  • Ogólnokrajowe referendum inicjowane przez obywateli a polskie prawo referendalne

    Author: Grzegorz Kryszeń
    E-mail: kryszen@edu.uwb.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7556-2716
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 425-441
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.04.23
    PDF: ppk/56/ppk5623.pdf

    Citizen Initiated Referendum and Polish Referendum Law

    The main aim of this study is to respond to the call to give citizens the power to initiate a referendum in a binding way. The key question in this context is whether such a postulate should not be treated as just a typical manifestation of political populism and thus rejected, or whether it should be supported by recognizing the institution of a referendum initiated by the citizens as a factor conducive to a more complete implementation of the idea of democratic rule, without threatening the destabilization and dysfunctionality of the political system. The analysis carried out in the article proves that this institution cannot be discredited because it should be seen as a necessary element of the process of exercising power in a democratic state. The proposed legal regulation may be conducive to achieving such a role in Polish political practice.

  • Critic of Attendance Threshold in a Nationwide Referendum

    Author: Andrzej Bisztyga
    E-mail: a.bisztyga@wpa.uz.zgora.pl
    Institution: University of Zielona Góra
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6579-9656
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 45-53
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.03
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5803.pdf

    On the basis of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the binding effect of the result of the vote in a nationwide referendum depends on attainment the attendance threshold. This threshold was determined as participation in a referendum of more than half of persons entitled to vote. The systemic argumentation in favor of establishing this threshold proves to be weak and unconvincing. The constitutional regulation is characterised in this scope by inconsistency in the form of not covering the constitutional referendum by the requirement of the attendance threshold. Furthermore, the desire to ensure the legal effectiveness of the outcome of the vote in the referendum results in extending time of the vote in the referendum. The conclusion includes the proposal to introduce an amendment to the Constitution consisting in resigning from the threshold in question.

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