demokracja

  • Konstytucyjny obowiązek przestrzegania prawa a obywatelskie nieposłuszeństwo

    Author: Halina Zięba Załucka
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1646-3141
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 241-257
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.13
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5413.pdf

    Article 83 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland states that “Everyone is obliged to obey the law of the Republic of Poland”. The obligation to obey the law cannot, howev- er, imply absolute obedience to any law established by the state. That means that no state has the authority to violate human rights, because they are above the state law. There - fore, as the author stresses, in every modern constitution the right of sovereignty to de- fend values such as sovereignty, division of powers or human rights is guaranteed. The main thesis of the article indicates that a bad law may be the beginning of civil disobe- dience, understood as a symbolic, intentional manifestation of disobedience to the law carried out in the name of the conviction of its validity and superiority of other values and non-legal norms, including the possibility of incurring negative legal consequenc- es – sanctions. Civil insubordination is therefore an instrument which, taking into ac- count all its limitations, can be used in countries with democratic systems as a guaran- tee of protection of civil rights against the action of the authorities. Our constitution does not know the concept of civil disobedience or the older right of resistance. In Article 2 it is clearly emphasized that the Republic of Poland is a demo- cratic legal state and the observance of the law should be understood as such conduct of citizens. and state bodies, which is in accordance with the binding regulations (Article 7 of the Constitution – the principle of legalism). Another issue raised in the article is the problem of justification of civil disobedien- ce. The author does not share the view on the justification of civil disobedience. If the justification of civil insubordination entails the postulate of impunity, the concept of ci- vil disobedience would become contradictory. At the same time he stresses that legalism cannot dictate absolute obedience to the existing law.

  • Ogólnokrajowe referendum inicjowane przez obywateli a polskie prawo referendalne

    Author: Grzegorz Kryszeń
    Institution: Uniwersytet w Białymstoku
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7556-2716
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 425-441
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.04.23
    PDF: ppk/56/ppk5623.pdf

    Citizen Initiated Referendum and Polish Referendum Law

    The main aim of this study is to respond to the call to give citizens the power to initiate a referendum in a binding way. The key question in this context is whether such a postulate should not be treated as just a typical manifestation of political populism and thus rejected, or whether it should be supported by recognizing the institution of a referendum initiated by the citizens as a factor conducive to a more complete implementation of the idea of democratic rule, without threatening the destabilization and dysfunctionality of the political system. The analysis carried out in the article proves that this institution cannot be discredited because it should be seen as a necessary element of the process of exercising power in a democratic state. The proposed legal regulation may be conducive to achieving such a role in Polish political practice.

  • Kryteria zgłaszania kandydatów w wyborach w systemie ochrony praw człowieka Rady Europy. Rozważania na kanwie wyroku ETPC Tahirov przeciwko Azerbejdżanowi

    Author: Marcin Jastrzębski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 57-73
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.65.04
    PDF: apsp/65/apsp6504.pdf

    Niniejszy artykuł zawiera szeroką analizę problemu kryteriów zgłaszania kandydatów w wyborach w systemie ochrony praw Rady Europy ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem wyroku Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w sprawie Tahirov przeciwko Azerbejdżanowi. Podstawowe badania obejmą przede wszystkim orzecznictwo organów międzynarodowych chroniących prawa jednostki, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem Europejskiego Trybunału i Komisji Praw Człowieka Rady Europy, oraz raporty misji obserwujących wybory OBWE.

  • (Nie)spójność wizerunku Indonezji : strategiczna narracja i działania w polityce zagranicznej

    Author: Anna Grzywacz
    Institution: Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89-102
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.65.06
    PDF: apsp/65/apsp6506.pdf

    Wzrost znaczenia Indonezji w regionie Azji i Pacyfiku jest zauważalny przynajmniej od 2004 r. Promowanie demokracji przez Indonezję uznaje się za jedną z ważniejszych ról, jakie ona odgrywa, zaś „demokratyczny zwrot” w polityce zagranicznej tego państwa jest szeroko analizowany. Celem tego artykułu jest zwrócenie uwagi na kolejny aspekt związany z tymi badaniami – spójności wizerunku promotora demokracji z działaniami w polityce zagranicznej z perspektywy strategicznej narracji. Pytanie badawcze brzmi: czy wizerunek Indonezji jako promotora demokracji jest spójny? W artykule weryfikowana jest hipoteza stanowiącą, że Indonezja nie tworzy spójnego wizerunku państwa promującego demokrację, choć z pewnymi wyjątkami.

  • O metodologicznych trudnościach badania i opisywania Chin

    Author: Krzysztof Gawlikowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet SWPS
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 50-78
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ap201903
    PDF: ap/22/ap2203.pdf

    Some methodological difficulties in studying and analysing China

    The study presents various factors which obstacles adequate description and analysis of Chinese realities in Western scholarly literature. The first factor presented in the article is the psychological mechanism of a “mirror”. As Lynn T. White suggested, since the 17th century, that Westerners look at China not through a ‘window’ but through a ‘mirror’, in which their own fears or most treasured ideals are refl ected, not China itself. Hence their descriptions of China refl ect first of all their state of mind. Peter Hays Gries and Stanley Rosen add to this metaphor another one, that of a procrustean bed. According to these authors, contemporary Western scholars procede like ancient Procrustes who made his captives fit his bed cutting their too long limbs or stretching these too short, in order to adapt Chinese realities to the Western schemes. Sebastian Heilmann and Matthias Stepan in order to explain Western mistaken views of China and expectations presented six wrong assumptions concerning developments in China. Their list is controversial, but it is true that on the Western side there are numerous wrong assumptions concerning China and other Asian states. Thus the Chinese realities are described in a wrong way, and the predictions of future developments are also false.
    The Author put an emphasis on scientific categories and terms elaborated in Europe and the States and considered “universal”, which, however, are not adequate to the Chinese realities. Hence their use results in falsification of descriptions and makes previsions based on them – groundless. He distinguishes two essential kinds of categories and terms borrowed from the West but inadequate to the Chinese realities. The first constitutes the terms which significance does not fit to the Chinese realities, as “language”, “religion”, historical epochs such as “antiquity”, “,Middle Ages”, etc. The second constitutes the terms which meanings involve cultural values. Many of them are difficult to translate into Chinese and they acquire different meanings in the context of Confucian heritage. The Author analyses from this perspective: “human rights”, “democracy” and “freedom”.
    Western scholars are also often mislead by Chinese sources. The study indicates another factor, which facilitates great misunderstandings. According to the cultural norm of the Confucian civilisation there is a “proper façade” presented in public, behind which there are hidden “internal realities”. Of course, such differences could be detected in each culture, but in highly ritualistic Confucian civilisation this distinction is essential, and both parts constitute “complex realities”, whereas Westerners presume that the façade constitutes a whole and complete reality. The Author presents as an example centralised, unitary Leninist state in Chin that is – in his opinion merely a false “public image”, whereas in reality there operate more or less innumerable quite autonomous units, which in fact are not subordinate. Under such circumstances all decisions must be consulted and negotiated among them, like in a federal system, although it does not operate formally. The Westerners also misleads themselves considering their peculiar civilisation as “universal”, whereas there are various civilisations, which will not amalgamate during the modernisation processes. Hence various societies function and change in their own ways, different from the western schemes and expectations.
    The study indicates that the West still predominates and presents its civilisation as universal. However, its predomination faces growing resistance and numerous scholars recognise the existence of numerous civilisations, which will also develop in the future. The author enumerates the most significant concepts such as “dialogue among civilisations and cultures” adopted by the United Nations in 1989, Huntington’s warning against imposing western norms on other civilisations, which may result in their ‘clashes’, the concept of the Axial Age, of Multiple Modernities, and so on. The road to an equal status of all civilisations is long and tortuous. The elaboration of universal scientific categories and principles is even more difficult, and it is, perhaps, a task for future generations of Asian scholars.

  • Roman Rybarski o ustroju politycznym w latach 1918-1926

    Author: Jan Waskan
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9321-9196
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 76-88
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201906
    PDF: cip/17/cip1706.pdf

    Roman Franciszek Rybarski (1887-1942) należał do wybitnych teoretyków i działaczy Narodowej Demokracji. Pozostawił szereg prac z zakresu ekonomii, prawa i polityki. Wśród tych ostatnich szczególne miejsce zajmują Naród, jednostka i klasa oraz Siła i prawo. Był prezesem Klubu Narodowego w Sejmie w latach 1928-1935 oraz przywódcą frakcji liberalnej zwanej grupą „starych” lub „profesorską” w Stronnictwie Narodowym. W artykule przedstawiono jego poglądy dotyczące problematyki ustrojowej. W pierwszym okresie istnienia niepodległej Rzeczypospolitej do 1922 r. Rybarski zdecydowanie opowiada się za ustrojem demokracji parlamentarnej i ideą państwa narodowego. Wybory 1922 r. i porażka w Zgromadzeniu Narodowym przy wyborze prezydenta Gabriela Narutowicza oraz tragiczne skutki jego śmierci powodują, że Rybarski, jak i inni działacze endeccy, dostrzegają że do niedawna tak bliski im parlamentaryzm staje się zgubny dla Polski. Rozpoczyna się jego krytyka, Rybarski podkreślał, że konstytucja doprowadza do krańcowości i absurdu zasadę rządów parlamentarnych. Niezadowolenie przeniosło się na wszystkie klasy i warstwy. Domagano się zmian, które stawały się koniecznością chwili.

  • Elections in Hybrid Regimes

    Author: Ryszard Balicki
    Institution: University of Wrocław
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9192-908X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 159-166
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.12
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5812.pdf

    Elections are nowadays treated as a symbol of a democratic order. However, this view is not true. The institution of elections also occurs in states that are far from being a democracy. However, their course and functions significantly differ from the elections carried out in democratic countries. As it has been shown in the article, the analysis of the title issue becomes particularly important due to the growing group of countries referred to as hybrid regimes.

  • The Proposal to Create the European Union Mechanism to Monitor Democracy, the Rule of Law and Fundamental Rights, and the Council of Europe Reaction

    Author: Kamil Spryszak
    Institution: Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3318-3742
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 475-486
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.38
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5838.pdf

    The rule of law is one of the founding values of the EU, as indicated in Art. 2 TEU. This provision recognizes that the rule of law is a core value, inherent to liberal democracy, and one which characterized the Union and its Member States. Taking into account this context, as well as the deficiencies of the EU mechanism to enforce the rule of law within the Member States, European Parliament called on the Commission to establish a new tool to address rule of law backsliding in Member States. In October 2016, Parliament addressed recommendations to the Commission on the establishment of EU mechanism on democracy, the rule of law, and fundamental rights (EU pact for DRF) in the form of an international agreement. The new mechanism should integrate and complement the existing mechanism, should be evidence-based, objective, addressing the Member States and EU. The author analyzes this initiative and tries to answer why it was not fully realized. Additionally, he presents a reaction to that initiative of the Council of Europe. There is no doubt, that realization of the EU Pact for DRF would inf luence the Council of Europe and weaken its role as a main European mechanism in the area of protection of democracy, rule of law, and human rights.

  • Perception of Democracy in the Turkish Political Culture

    Author: Sabriye Beste Kabaçam
    Institution: Muğla Sıtkı Koçman University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7846-1718
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 230-242
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202011
    PDF: siip/19/siip1911.pdf

    The subject of this article is political culture and its relationship with democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish political culture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system is directly connected with the political culture of society. But how could we distinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to? The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role of political culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust, etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the current system. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed in the article with the perspective of the relationship between political culture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present concepts of cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors, social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them, which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it can be observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of all mentioned factors.

  • Lithuanian Democracy under the State of Emergency : Will the COVID-19 Pandemic Affect the Assessment of the State of Democracy in the Country? – System Analysis

    Author: Martinas Malużinas
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2772-9534
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 88-105
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.72.05
    PDF: apsp/72/apsp7205.pdf

    Since the first quarter of 2020, the whole world has been struggling with the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. More and more governments are introducing restrictions and bans for security reasons, with the aim of limiting the transmission of the virus and reducing health risks for citizens. The scale of the problem is best illustrated by the rising numbers of infections and deaths. In addition to the epidemic threat worldwide, the pandemic has brought to light many other problems and challenges. One of them is growing crisis of democracy around the world. Using a systemic approach, the article sets out to analyse the state and problems of contemporary Lithuanian democracy under pandemic conditions, focusing also on indicators of democracy and public opinion polls. It evaluates, inter alia, the state of Lithuanian democracy, the political system and its openness to citizens.

  • Quality of Democratic Election Process during the COVID-19 Pandemic : The Schedler’s Chain of Democratic Choice Perspective

    Author: Maciej Onasz
    Institution: University of Łódź
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4062-1253
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 188-210
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.72.11
    PDF: apsp/72/apsp7211.pdf

    This paper provides an assessment of the possibility of maintaining the democratic quality of the electoral process held under extraordinary conditions resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic. This is part of the considerations on the quality of democracy and its resistance to crisis conditions. The study was conducted using Andreas Schedler’s Chain of Democratic Choice. It covers both a general perspective and a case study of the election of the President of Poland, lasting from March to May 2020 and finally and effectively interrupted only on May 6 – 4 days before the vote. The adopted perspective makes it possible to identify and assess the potential and actual threats to maintaining the democratic nature of the election process at all its stages. Possible technical solutions that may counteract the reduction of the democratic level of the election process at individual stages have also been indicated.

  • What Factors Determine and Facilitate a Departure from a Neo-Militant Democracy? The Case Study of Bulgaria

    Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 269-280
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.06.21
    PDF: ppk/64/ppk6421.pdf

    Bulgaria is a partially consolidated democracy. Between the financial crisis of 2008 and the coronavirus pandemic, it began to take on characteristics of authoritarian regimes. However, its case is not a classically understood militant democracy, but quasi-militant democracy. This article aims to present main changes the Bulgarian system faced in 2008– 2019 and its transition from neo-consolidated democracy to quasi-militant democracy. The research questions are: is Bulgaria still a neo-militant democracy? If not, what factors determine and facilitate a departure from a neo-militant democracy?

  • Reforma konstytucyjna w Kirgistanie. Wyzwania i zagrożenia dla demokracji i państwa prawa

    Author: Oleksandr Veretilnyk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5286-4466
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Pages: 185-199
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.14
    PDF: ppk/65/ppk6514.pdf

    Constitutional Reform in Kyrgyzstan. Challenges and Threats to Democracy and the Rule of Law

    The collapse of the USSR in 1991 led to the emergence of five independent states in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Kyrgyzstan. Four of them established an authoritarian form of government, while Kyrgyzstan became the only democratic state in the region. This may change after the referendum on constitutional reform, which is scheduled for 2021. The amendments to the Constitution provide for the extension of the president’s powers, which, according to many Kyrgyz researchers, may lead to the transformation of Kyrgyzstan into an authoritarian state. This article presents the results of the analysis of the draft amendment to the Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic initiated by the new president of the country, Sadyr Japarov.

  • Wyzwania pandemiczne a przemiany w prawie i praktyce ustrojowej wybranych państw europejskich

    Author: Jakub Robel
    Institution: Społeczna Akademia Nauk w Warszawie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2717-4206
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Pages: 65-76
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.02.05
    PDF: ppk/66/ppk6605.pdf

    Pandemic Challenges Versus Changes in the Law and System Practice Selected European Countries

    The article presents the changes that have taken place in the laws and systemic practice of states as a result of counteracting the crisis related to the Covid-19 pandemic. The author, pointing to pandemic challenges as well as actions taken by governments of states belonging to the Council of Europe, pointed out that the peculiar bluntness of changes could be most noticed in the construction and implementation of regulations on states of emergency. On the other hand, the issue of modifying the constitution was approached more carefully.

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