• Miękka siła Chin

    Author: Adam Paweł Olechowski
    Institution: Kolegium Jagiellońskie Toruńska Szkoła Wyższa
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-116
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181706
    PDF: npw/17/npw1706.pdf

    China’s soft power

    The notion of soft power introduced by American political scientist J. S. Nye is becoming increasingly popular not only in science but also in journalism. In short, this term should be understood as the use of ideology, culture and diplomacy to build the international position of a given state. The masters in the application of soft power are generally considered Western states. However, it is forgotten that for many centuries before the West soft power to build its power was successfully used by China. Also today, rebuilding its international power, China is using soft power in its mastery of the world.

  • ...głos jego był w Europie słuchany – polityka zagraniczna Austro-Węgier za czasów ministra Agenora Gołuchowskiego młodszego w świetle prasy galicyjskiej

    Author: Agata Strzelczyk
    Institution: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 96-114
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso190103
    PDF: hso/20/hso2003.pdf

    The article is dedicated to the foreign policy pursued on behalf of Austria-Hungary by Agenor Gołuchowski the younger, minister of foreign affairs in 1895–1906, and the reactions it triggered off in selected Galicia newspapers.

  • Alternative diplomacy and the political role of clerical elites: The Roman Catholic Church as an ideological counterforce in interwar Banat

    Author: Mihai A. Panu
    Institution: West University
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 347-358
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019210
    PDF: ppsy/48-2/ppsy2019210.pdf

    In interwar Romania, non-political institutions played a decisive role in the process of containing the expansion of totalitarian ideologies. The two major colliding ideological forces, National Socialism and Communism, rapidly reshaped the European sociopolitical profile after World War I and caused an unprecedented long-term deterioration of various intergovernmental relations. The Banat region was systematically exposed to external ideological factors due to the fact that its heterogeneous ethno-cultural profile allowed a rapid proliferation of political ideas and programs.

  • Stosunki Gruzji z Europą Zachodnią i państwem polsko-litewskim

    Author: Piotr Prokopiuk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 56-70
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso170403
    PDF: hso/15/hso1503.pdf

    The article presents the history of contacts between Georgia and Western Europe as well as Georgia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between the mid-15th and the end of the 18th centuries. In the article, the role of the Georgian diplomatic missions is emphasized in the process of forging anti-Osman coalitions.


    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 80-100
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso150205
    PDF: hso/9/hso905.pdf

    The paper aims to explore the impact of the noble houses of Wielkopolska on the activity of Casimir the Great during the early days of his reign, and their role in the policy pursued by the king. It also shows changes in leadership among the noble knights of Wielkopolska.


    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 212-233
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140210
    PDF: hso/7/hso710.pdf

  • Diplomatic Subjectivity of FIFA in the Context of Selecting World Cup Host

    Author: Michał Marcin Kobierecki
    Institution: University of Łódź
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 216-231
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.13
    PDF: apsp/64/apsp6413.pdf

    The goal of the research was to investigate FIFA, one of the most important international sports organisations, from the perspective of its diplomatic subjectivity. It is a case study concerning the process of selection of the World Cup hosts by FIFA, in reference to the engagement of presidents, prime ministers and other representatives of national authorities of states that hosted FIFA World Cup in bidding for the tournament within last the 30 years. The hypothesis that was verified within the research assumed that through selecting World Cup host FIFA obtains diplomatic subjectivity. This refers to research questions concerning the willingness of state leaders to engage in contacts and negotiations with sports officials and reasons for such engagement.

  • Listy Anny z Mycielskich Radziwiłłowej oraz diariusz Charles’a de Saint-Pola jako źródło do badań działalności „dyplomatycznej” wojewodziny wileńskiej

    Author: Paulina Grobelna-Mazurek
    Institution: Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Author: Bernadetta Manyś
    Institution: Uniwersytet im. A. Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 100-116
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso190304
    PDF: hso/22/hso2204.pdf

    In the following paper the authors decided to discuss the „diplomatic” correspondence of the Anna Radziwiłłowa (de domo Mycielska) and the diary of the baron Charles de Saint-Pol, which are nowadays in the repertory of the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw, touching the matter of the action took by the second wife of the Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł „Rybeńko” in the case of his son „Panie Kochanku” (Karol Stanisław Radziwiłł) in the 1764.

  • European Science Diplomacy and its Applications to Global Challenges

    Author: Joanna Siekiera
    Institution: University of Bergen, Norway
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0125-9121
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 203-206
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020316
    PDF: ppsy/49-3/ppsy2020316.pdf

    European Academy of Diplomacy Warsaw Science Diplomacy School. Warsaw, (June 22-26, 2020), European Academy of Diplomacy and Inventing a shared Science Diplomacy for Europe (InsSciDE)

    Warsaw Science Diplomacy School 2020 was the 1st edition of summer school held together by the European Academy of Diplomacy, based in Poland, and the European Union led programme Inventing a shared Science Diplomacy for Europe (InsSciDE). The week-long venue took place online, due to the coronavirus pandemic, between 22-26 June 2020. Class of 2020 consisted of 28 participants from 6 continents, 10 European Union member states and 27 countries in total, where vast majority possessed different nationality and country of residence. Also, the mentors and instructors of the school came from over 13 institutions gathered in the InsSciDe consortium. Participants were divided into 4 teams where they were discussing study cases of how European science diplomacy applies to global challenges. The chosen challenges were the following: Natural resources as public goods for global health; A Matter of Global Epidemic Diplomacy; Scientists in diplomacy during the Scramble for Africa; and A co-production of science and diplomacy in the Law of the Sea.

  • The Regulatory Framework of the Soviet Diplomatic Protocol. History of Formation

    Author: Oksana Zakharova
    Institution: Independent Researcher
    ORCID: https://orcid. org/0000-0002-2143-7020
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 150-163
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20202010
    PDF: ksm/26/ksm2610.pdf

    The concept of “diplomacy” combines the foreign policy activities of state leaders and supreme authorities. At various stages of the development of society the methods and means of diplomacy changed. In the Middle Ages the protocol is the rules of paperwork and archiving. Subsequently ceremonial issues began to be attributed to the diplomatic protocol. Currently the diplomatic protocol is a set of generally accepted norms, traditions and conventions that are observed in international communication. The purpose of the study is to analyze the evolution of the Soviet protocol as an instrument of the state’s foreign policy based on the analysis of regulatory documents. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the author considers the diplomatic legal culture as a component of the image of the state, in which ideology influenced all aspects of society, including the rules of communication between a Soviet citizen and foreign partners. It was revealed that the employees of the Protocol Department of the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs (PCFA), and primarily its head D.T. Florinsky (repressed in 1934) and V.N. Barkov (repressed in 1941, rehabilitated in 1958), were able to “reconcile”, as evidenced by regulatory documents, the European diplomatic protocol with the norms of Soviet ideology. Through its work the Protocol Department tried to destroy the idea of the USSR as an “empire of evil”; it was part of the positive image of the USSR, like the Bolshoi Theater, Soviet sports and Russian literature. As an actor in world politics the Soviet Union could not but accept the main provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations. Ignoring the international norms of the protocol is a denial of equality, sovereignty, territorial integrity of the state, and as a result, loss of reputation in the eyes of the world community.

  • Działalność Victora Cǎdere – posła rumuńskiego w Polsce na tle relacji Warszawa–Bukareszt (1932–1935)

    Author: Henryk Walczak
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4326-1521
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 69-92
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2021.04
    PDF: pbs/9/pbs904.pdf

    Victor Cădere (born 1891) was a Romanian lawyer, civil servant, diplomat and politician. He participated as an officer in the war with Bulgaria (1913) and in the I-st World War (1916–1918). Then he was at the peace conference in Paris as part of the Romanian delegation. In the years 1919–1921 he was dealing with the repatriation of Romanians from the USA and Russia. After returning to the country, in 1925, he began an academic career, which he continued with interruptions until his death in France in 1981. At that time, he was an activist of the peasant party and a member of the Chamber of Deputies. In the years 1930–1932 he held high official positions in the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of the Interior. In 1932, he began his career as a diplomat. His first post was Warsaw, where he was to watch over the matters of the Romanian-Polish alliance securing both countries against the threat from the USSR. Before he actually took office, however, he became the Romanian negotiator on the non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, but risked Nicolae Titulescu – an influential diplomat and politician who opposed them and soon became Cădere’s superior, i.e. the minister of foreign affairs. After settling in Warsaw, the new MP tried to work for the development of the alliance. However, he encountered obstacles on the part of Titulescu, who wanted to loosen his ties with the Republic of Poland and bring him closer to Moscow. This affected the fate of Cădere, who was dismissed in July 1935. His diplomatic career slowed down. He took up another post – in Belgrade – only after the fall of Titulescu in 1936, then he was a member of parliament in Lisbon (1941–1944). From 1945 to 1967 he stayed in Romania. In the years 1952- 1956 he was imprisoned by the communist authorities. In 1967 he remained in exile in France.

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