European Union

  • W stronę europejskiego nacjonalizmu? Tendencje unifikacyjne we współczesnych europejskich ruchach nacjonalistycznych

    Author: Rafał Łętocha
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-19
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.58.01
    PDF: apsp/58/apsp5801.pdf

    W Europie obserwujemy zjawisko renesansu nacjonalizmu. Zauważalny jest wyraźnie wzrost znaczenia partii odwołujących się do kategorii narodu i interesu narodowego. Niektórzy mówią wręcz o trzeciej fali nacjonalizmu po okresie nacjonalizmu demokratycznego z lat 1789–1870 i niedemokratycznego z okresu od 1886 do 1945 r., wówczas nastąpić miałby czas nacjonalizmu europejskiego. Rzeczywiście partie i ugrupowania nacjonalistyczne w poszczególnych krajach europejskich odnalazły wiele łączących je problemów, pewne uniwersalne treści wspólne im wszystkim, których chcą bronić, bądź je propagować. W związku z tym mamy do czynienia z próbami tworzenia sieci transnarodowych, walczących o wspólne cele, przeciwstawiających się zjawiskom migracji, islamizacji czy federacyjnemu modelowi integracji europejskiej.

  • European Opportunities in the Field of Lawyer-Linguists – Irish Perspective

    Author: Joanna Siekiera
    E-mail: joanna.axe@gmail.com
    Institution: Collegium of Socio-Economics, Warsaw School of Economics
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 581-586
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018311
    PDF: ppsy/47-3/ppsy2018311.pdf

    Conference on Opportunities for Law Graduates as Lawyerlinguists with the EU. Dublin, (7 March 2018), The Honorable Society of King’s Inns

    Multilingualism is now considered as the mean of achieving common goals on the European ground. This term can be referred to speaking several languages at the same time, and as to an official requirement for the employees of an organisation or a company who should communicate internally and externally by using more than one language and finally, as to multiculturalism which can apply to an individual’s capability to master several languages. But since the EU has extended equal treatment to 24 languages spoken in all of its member countries, there is a huge demand for translators, interpreters, linguists and lawyer-linguists. The Irish language, being a working one, while not yet a XX language is an interesting example of achieving the largest scope of multilingualism in the EU.

  • Między zamkniętością a otwartością. Trzy zmiany statusu i funkcji kontrolnych polskich granic

    Author: Monika Trojanowska-Strzęboszewska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 69–94
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.53.04
    PDF: apsp/53/apsp5304.pdf

    W artykule ukazano przeobrażenia, jakie przeszły granice Polski od okresu powojennego, gdy w wyniku arbitralnych decyzji państw trzecich zostały zmienione przedwojenne usytuowanie i zasięg państwa polskiego, aż do dnia dzisiejszego, gdy status i funkcje granic III Rzeczpospolitej uległy gruntownej zmianie w wyniku członkostwa w UE i strefie Schengen. Szczególny nacisk położono na analizę trzech zasadniczych zmian statusu politycznego i funkcji kontrolnych tych granic. Pierwsza odnosi się do ustanowienia typowych dla ówczesnych krajów komunistycznych restrykcyjnych zasad ochrony i przekraczania granic tak przez obywateli polskich, jak i obywateli państw trzecich. Druga związana jest z radykalną zmianą zasad ochrony i kontroli polskich granic wraz z transformacją ustrojową i gospodarczą Polski na początku lat 90. XX w., polegającą na względnym otwarciu wszystkich polskich granic na przepływ ludzi i towarów. Trzeci proces przeobrażeń polskich granic stanowi efekt integrowania się Polski z UE i jej przystąpienia do strefy Schengen. Polega na dywersyfikacji polskich granic na granice wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne UE, co istotnie zmienia nie tylko ich funkcje kontrolne, ale także status polityczny. Ukazanie powyższych zmian uzewnętrznia zmieniającą się naturę polityczną polskiego państwa i jego suwerenności. Analizy prowadzone są w ujęciu politologicznym, w oparciu o źródła instytucjonalno-prawne i literaturę przedmiotu.

  • Coalitions between Political Groups in the European Parliament: An Analysis of the Experiences of the EP of the Seventh Term

    Author: Agnieszka Nitszke
    Institution: Jagiellonian University
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 147–162
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.08
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5208.pdf

    The article presents the problem of the functioning of factions within the European Parliament and the formation of coalitions between individual political groups basing on the Rules of Procedure and data from the seventh term of the EP. The article involves an analysis of the principles for forming factions as specified in the Rules of Procedure of the EP and the consequences for the cooperation of national parties in the Parliament arising from these regulations. In the second part of the article, matters concerning coalition formation between political groups within the EP are discussed together with the phenomenon of ‘grand coalitions’, related definitional problems and the functioning of the entire political system of the EU in this context.

  • The Socio-Cultural Dimension of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership: Contingencies and Prospects

    Author: Tomasz Stępniewski
    Institution: The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 163–172
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.09
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5209.pdf

    The aim of the paper is an attempt at evaluating the Eastern Partnership from the point of view of the socio-cultural dimension in a broad sense. Do cultural and civilisational factors influence relations between the EU and Eastern European and South Caucasus countries? Is the EU capable of further enlargement? The Eastern Partnership is experiencing significant turmoil (Russia-Ukraine war, unstable South Caucasus) which begs the question of the future of the policy. Moreover, the paper tackles the issue of the EU’s internal factors and their influence upon relations with Eastern countries.

  • Unia Europejska i NATO wobec wojny hybrydowej na Ukrainie

    Author: Anna Antczak-Barzan
    Institution: Akademia Finansów i Biznesu Vistula w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 29–45
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.50.02
    PDF: apsp/50/apsp5002.pdf

    Artykuł ma na celu ukazanie przyczyn konfliktu na Ukrainie w odniesieniu do struktur zachodnich – Unii Europejskiej oraz NATO i ich reakcji na wydarzenia, jakie miały i mają miejsce w tym kraju, a także oczekiwań społeczności międzynarodowej i samej Ukrainy względem tych graczy. Artykuł uwypukla także specyficzne cechy konfliktu, które wskazują na jego hybrydowy charakter, wyjaśniając jednocześnie przyczyny i możliwe skutki.

  • Polityka Norwegii w regionie Dalekiej Północy – konsekwencje dla Unii Europejskiej

    Author: Katarzyna Dośpiał-Borysiak
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 107–122
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.50.06
    PDF: apsp/50/apsp5006.pdf

    Rola Norwegii dla Unii Europejskiej znacznie wzrosła na początku XXI wieku. Po okresie, kiedy kraj postrzegany był jako relatywnie marginalny outsider w zintegrowanej Europie, teraz jest bezpośrednio związany ze wszystkimi procesami zachodzącymi w Brukseli z powodu udziału w Europejskim Obszarze Gospodarczym. Potencjał Norwegii w oczach państw członkowskich Unii Europejskiej kształtowany jest przez pryzmat jej potencjału energetycznego. Norwegia stała się wiodącym eksporterem gazu do UE, z powodzeniem konkurującym z Federacją Rosyjską. Ten status zależeć będzie w dużym stopniu od polityki Norwegii na Dalekiej Północy – regionie o coraz wyraźniejszym znaczeniu strategicznym. Artykuł ma na celu omówienie głównych ról odgrywanych przez Norwegię w kontekście celów i polityk UE, głównie w dziedzinie energii. Przybliża również strategię Norwegii wobec Dalekiej Północy, perspektywy wydobycia w tym regionie ropy i gazu oraz regionalną współpracę z Rosją.

  • Europeanization of Slovak Political System During the Accession Process to the European Union

    Author: Dušan Leška
    Institution: University of ss. Cyril and Methodius in Trnava, Slovakia
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 168–189
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.12
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4812.pdf

    Europeanization acted at all stages of society development in Slovakia, with varying degrees of intensity and in various forms, since the signing of the association agreement with the European Union. A significant impact was already in the stage of transition, when the consistent implementation of the Copenhagen criteria insist by the EC/EU help to return to the path of democratic development in Slovakia. However, it wasn’t just about the application of the generally accepted principles of parliamentary democracy, but also on the active impact of the EC/EU institutions within the existing opportunities provided by the signing of the Association Agreement. A qualitatively new stage began after completion of the Copenhagen criteria and the opening of negotiations, which was to implement acquis communautaire into the internal legal order of the country. At this stage, clearly dominated the process of Europeanization “top-down”, i.e. the adoption of standards, laws of the European Union, to make country compatible with other countries of the EU. After the entry of the Slovakia into the EU, a two-sided process of Europeanization: “up-down” and “bottom-up” has started.

  • The Selected Issues of the Establishment of the European Parliament as an Institution of the European Union and the Evolution of the Electoral Law Since its Inception Until Now

    Author: Agnieszka Marczyńska
    Institution: University of Social Sciences and Humanities in Warsaw
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 300–322
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.19
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4819.pdf

    It is without any doubt that one of the most important elements of every democratic political system is a Parliament, that is, a collective authority elected in direct elections, which is simultaneously an emanation of will of citizens as a sovereign. Over the years of the technological development of societies and evolution of the economic cooperation amongst states, its role and scope of responsibilities have gradually grown. The European Parliament is one of the key elements of the institutional system of the European Union, and thus, the only body, the composition of which is elected in direct election. This body, as a forum for universal representation by the elected deputies from the member states, brings together views and positions not only of the representatives but also of their electorate. The parliament is also an expression of the multinational EU community, its voice and its desire to have influence on the fate of the entire EU.
    This article presents the evolution of the European Parliament and of the election law concerning this body, since its formation as an institution of the European Union until now. The purpose of this article is to present changes which have taken place in the EU legislation in respect of the electoral law, on the basis of which members of the parliament are elected, since the formation of the EP. The main subject of this article covers following issues: how the evolution process of the parliament has looked like over the years, how its position in the institutional architecture of the EU has been evolving and how it has been endeavoured to harmonize electoral procedures to this body over the years. The article is about the evolutionary political position of the EP. The article focuses on selected aspects of unification of the electoral procedure for the election to the EP due to their path-breaking character and importance of the procedure being currently in force.

  • Poland’s Foreign Policy towards the European Union 2015-2017: A Hard Cooperation Model or a Collision Course?

    Author: Rafał Willa
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1373-3823
    Author: Radosław Potorski
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0452-4816
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 163-181
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.60.10
    PDF: apsp/60/apsp6010.pdf

    After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.

  • A New Method to Calculate Power of International Actors

    Author: Abdullah Metin Durmuş
    Institution: Başkent University (Turkey)
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-35
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019101
    PDF: ppsy/48-1/ppsy2019101.pdf

    This article is based on the idea that it is necessary to develop a quantitative method to calculate power of international actors, which will enable scholars to analyse international conflicts. The Global Potential Power Distribution Chart, which is calculated based on three main characteristics of international actors, namely population, territory and economic power, shows “potential power of states and international organisations”. It may be called “Durmuş Scale of Power (DSoP)”. The chart is a comprehensive indicator with considerable accuracy and 100 % objectivity. In this article, potential powers of international actors have been calculated for years 1987, 2004 and 2015, which gives a clear overview of the potential power distribution (balance of power) of the World regarding states and as well as international organisations. Potential military powers of some states and international organisation in year 2015 have also been calculated. This research proves by means of a contemporary approach applied and a quantitative method developed that, the World is multipolar since 2004, and China is, potentially, the most powerful state of the World since 2015. The method introduced in this article were sufficient enough to explain the effects of the enlargement of NATO and EU, EU after BREXIT, reform of the Security Council of the United Nations and instrumental enough to provide a peaceful understanding for the self-determination issue of Kosova. There are three conclusions to this research: 1) The method “Durmuş Scale of Power” is calculated is reliable because everybody with a scientific calculator or a computer can easily calculate potential power of a state provided that he or she has reliable data for territory, population and GDP. 2) “Global Potential Power Distribution Chart” is a comprehensive Chart which shows “balance of power” at a specific year. It enables us to compare power of states and international organisations in different years. 3) It is convenient to use “Durmuş Scale of Power” while analysing issues of international relations.

  • Regional cooperation in the process of integration of the Western Balkan states with the European Union

    Author: Renata Podgórzańska
    E-mail: renata.podgorzanska@wp.pl
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6610-9699
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 71-88
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201805
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201805.pdf

    From the European Union perspective regional cooperation in the Western Balkans is one of the fundamental conditions determining the pace of accession to European structures. This question is emphasized in EU documents concerning the enlargement, and it is also each time a subject of the EU’s discussion with representatives of Western Balkan countries. The aim of this paper is to articulate and characterize the premises of EU activity towards Western Balkans and to analyze forms of regional cooperation with the participation of Western Balkan countries as well as an exegesis of factors determining this cooperation.

  • Multidimensionality of crisis management in the European Union – analysis of an Integrated Approach in terms of crisis response at the political level

    Author: Monika Potkańska
    E-mail: monpotk@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4442-8813
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89-97
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201806
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201806.pdf

    The European Union needs quick and effective support provided in the event of cross-border crises. Following a few dramatic crisis situations such as terrorist attacks, not long after the Member States had to face forest fires, floods or earthquakes. This is when the EU Member States saw the need for joint action in crisis situations. Crisis management ceased to be considered as competences of Member States. It was realized that a joint and coordinated response to crisis situations brings better effects than if a Member State was to tackle them itself.

  • The position of the European Parliament on the European Union's Energy Security Policy

    Author: Artur Staszczyk
    Institution: Szczecin University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9769-8991
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 112-122
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201808
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201808.pdf

    Ensuring the energy security is currently one of the EU’s top priorities. The EU energy policy, after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, is regulated by Article 194 TFEU, which guarantees a solid legal basis for European Union actions in this area on the basis of the Community method. The European Parliament, within the scope of its Community competences, as a participant in the decision-making process, contributes to shaping the face of the EU energy policy. Furthermore, by adopting nonlegislative resolutions, the EP expresses its position on the most crucial issues included in this policy and has an indirect influence on its shape. The aim of this article is the analysis of the content of these resolutions and presentation of the EP’s opinion on the challenges facing the EU in the field of energy. It should be highlighted that the European Parliament is the EU body with a strong emphasis on a supranational approach to energy security. The European Parliament prefers the view that all Member States, in a spirit of solidarity, must take actions to guarantee the EU’s common energy security. In favour of a common, integrated European energy market, the EP puts great emphasis on the necessity to implement ambitious climate policy objectives within its framework, the key element of which is the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

  • The European Parliament in view of the development of the EU Security and Defence Policy after the Lisbon Treaty

    Author: Artur Staszczyk
    Institution: Szczecin University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9769-8991
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 123-136
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201809
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201809.pdf

    This article analyses the position of the European Parliament on the priorities for the development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. The issues covered by this policy after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty remained the domain of intergovernmental cooperation mechanisms. Despite the changes made to the Lisbon Treaty to unify the Union’s external relations by removing its pillars and expanding CSDP tasks, the role of the EP in its creation has not increased in line with its expectations. In accordance with the provisions of the TEU, decisions on the operation of the CSDP shall be adopted by the Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy or from a Member State. As a result of such Treaty arrangements, the EP is unable to play such a role in the area of CSDP that would correspond to the importance of this body in the EU’s institutional system. Therefore, the main instrument for the implementation of the EP policy in the area of CSDP remain resolutions in which this body calls for the inclusion of transnational cooperation mechanisms in it. By expressing its position in resolutions, the EP advocates for the development of a strong, unified CSDP based on defined European security interests, as well as the development of a pan-European approach to the issues covered by this policy.

  • The Security of the Visegrad Group Countries in the Light of Interests of the European Union and the Remaining Member States

    Author: Katarzyna Witkowska-Chrzczonowicz
    Author: Maciej Serowaniec
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 82-94
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2017.02.05
    PDF: kie/116/kie11605.pdf

    The aim of the presented paper is to depict the approach of the European Union and its member states towards security in the countries belonging to the Visegrad Group. For V4 countries it is vital to implement such a policy that would make Western Europe aware of the threat and exert political pressure on the countries of the so-called old Union (in particular on France and Germany) to assume a greater responsibility for security and peace in the world as an international organisation and support all actions designed to establish real and effective common defence policy of the EU. Indeed, state security is presently ensured not only by the armed forces of a given country but also through the assurance of obtaining effective assistance (of different kind) from other states and international organisations guaranteed by international agreements.

  • Social Dimension of the Judicature of the Court of Justice. Analysis on the Basis of Judgment in the Stehcempt Case (C-277/14)

    Author: Radosław Potorski
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 187-199
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2016.04.14
    PDF: kie/114/kie11414.pdf

    Socio­legal situation of Poland is now a lot different from the one before 2004. Membership of our country to an integrative organization with such an advanced character as the European Union causes that it is necessary to take a wider look at the issue of functioning of the political system patterns, as well as, as a consequence, at entities and methods which may be taken into account during public decision making. Here one of the most interesting issues, and as it seems still least learned aspects of the EU governance is proceeding participation of the judicial sector of the EU within political life of the member states. Aim of the author is to verify a research assumption that the CJ jurisdiction has a serious social dimension, noticeable also for Polish nonpublic actors. According to the principle of the CJ judicature, today named as quasiprecedent, each nonpublic body may point to previous judgements of the Court each time it assumes that it might have positive effects. But when we take into account how large that source is today possibility of such situation is high.

  • Realizacja inwestycji społecznych w Polsce w kontekście założeń polityki społecznej Unii Europejskiej

    Author: Małgorzata Michalewska-Pawlak
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Author: Dorota Moroń
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Author: Monika Klimowicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 78-96
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.62.05
    PDF: apsp/62/apsp6205.pdf

    Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie wpływu priorytetów i instrumentów polityki społecznej Unii Europejskiej na realizację podejścia inwestycyjnego w politykach społecznych państw członkowskich na przykładzie Polski. Przedmiotem badań są cele społeczne Unii Europejskiej zdefiniowane w strategii Europa 2020 oraz Pakiecie Inwestycji Społecznych, implementowane za pomocą otwartej metody koordynacji i interwencji Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej. W konkluzji stwierdzono, że proces europeizacji polityk społecznych państw członkowskich UE, na przykładzie Polski, w odniesieniu do implementacji paradygmatu inwestycyjnego, ma ograniczony charakter.

  • The International Monetary Fund’s Role in Overcoming Economic Crisis in PIIGS

    Author: Kinga Jasiak
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 476-486
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019306
    PDF: ppsy/48-3/ppsy2019306.pdf

    The financial crisis started in 2008 and touched the whole world but some countries experienced its consequences more than others. The European Union and in particular eurozone, slid into a stage of economic recession. Five of 28 EU countries faced the edge of financial fall, named PIIGS-Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain. Multidimensionality of the global crisis have caused that international economic organizations faced a great challenge, For them it was a test of efficiency and effectiveness. The leading role in this period belonged to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), which is standing on the guard of the whole international currency system. The aim of the article is to draw and analyze the most important IMF activities towards PIIGS, especially what instruments were proposed as a help and what changes had to be made by receiving states in order to receive the financial support. The ten-year perspective taken in the article allows for the more comprehensive assessment of the issue.

  • Ukraine's Aspirations to the EU – Selected Socio-Political Conditions

    Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
    E-mail: krezmer@doktorant.umk.pl
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 59-75
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192205
    PDF: npw/22/npw2205.pdf

    This article presents the selected key socio-political determinants of the pro-Union aspirations of Ukraine that were important for the condition of EU – Ukraine relations. The presented events and historical outline may be the basis for further reflection and evaluation of how Ukraine was undergoing the process of accession and was located at its different stages.

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