European Union

  • Conserving the Past for Today : Politics of Georgian Government towards Cultural Heritage Protection in the Context of Political Uncertainty

    Author: Nikoloz Kavelashvili
    Institution: University of Wrocław
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 199-219
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.63.13
    PDF: apsp/63/apsp6313.pdf

    The protection of cultural heritage does not only have social but political and economic consequences as well. While the contents of a national and personal identity are closely tied to inherited cultural heritage, this heritage, as far as material culture is concerned, requires political support often beyond the means of the countries concerned. International support is rendered by organizations such as UNESCO with its World Heritage List, which includes World Cultural treasures as well as Natural Monuments. Politically, cultural heritage can be either a cohesive force or a divisive one when exploited for political purposes directed towards political hegemony. Economically, the cost of preserving cultural heritage can be a lucrative source of income as a result of the global promotion of cultural tourism. By this research, we can come to the idea that the State should facilitate the community empowerment through preservation and development of the cultural heritage – its organic environment, because without protection of the cultural environment and misusing the opportunities offered by it we cannot achieve the proper – i.e., feasible, sustainable – social and economic development of a country.

  • Państwo prawa w polskim porządku konstytucyjnym a jego wspólnotowe rozumienie

    Author: Kamila Sara Kowalska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6843-7493
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-20
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm201901
    PDF: ksm/24/ksm201901.pdf

    The aim of the article is to define a rule of law for a proper functioning of the state, especially in the context of the provision of legal freedoms and guarantees to constitutional units. The determination of the was presented consequences of a breach of the rule of law which governs the complex acquis. The study will consist of attempts to define the rule of law, starting from the scope of this rule, on the basis of a doctrinal interpretation. This rule based on the Constitution of the Republic of Poland as well as on the Judgments Constitutional Court of the Republic of Poland. The specificity of the functioning of the European Union system requires to consider in this context the relationship between national and EU law on the regulation of the rule of law at the Community level. For the topic addressed, it is equally important to refer to the mechanisms provided by EU law to enforce Member States to respect common principles and values. The method used to implement the previously articulated objectives legal text interpretation.

  • European Parliament Position on EU Cyber Security and Defense Policy

    Author: Artur Staszczyk
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9769-8991
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 122-133
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201908
    PDF: rop/2019/rop201908.pdf

    Ensuring cyber security in scope of cyber defense is currently among the top priorities of the EU Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). Matters included in scope of cyber defense are a competence of the Member States and cooperation at EU level in this area is governed by decisions of the EU Council based on unanimity. This means that the European Parliament (EP) in the field of cyber defens acts only as an opinion-forming body expressing its position through the adoption of non-legislative resolutions. The aim of the article is to analyze the content of these resolutions and present the EP’s opinion on the challenges facing the EU in the field of cyber defense. It should be stressed that the EP is the EU body that strongly emphasizes the need for a common EU approach to these issues. Given that the area of cyber defence is subject to intergovernmental cooperation mechanisms, the EP considers that the EU needs to develop not only cooperation and coordination mechanisms at the level of its institutions, but also to take action to enhance the EU’s capability to counter cyber threats. These significant cyber defense capabilities should be essential elements of the CSDP and of the development of the European Defense Union, as it is becoming increasingly difficult to counter cyber attacks for the Member State level alone. The role of the CSDP should be to ensure that the EU, in cooperation with NATO, has an autonomous strategic capability to act in the field of cyber defense.

  • Definition and Typology of European Union Missions

    Author: Luiza Wojnicz
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4685-3984
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 161-176
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201911
    PDF: rop/2019/rop201911.pdf

    In view of the contemporary challenges and threats, European Union’s efforts in the area of civil and military capacity building are extremely important. As an international organization having a high impact on third countries, the European Union plays a key role in conflict prevention and crisis response. In external governance EU has two sectoral policies at its disposal: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The CFSP is responsible for resolving conflicts and fostering international understanding using diplomacy and giving respect for international rules. The CSDP is responsible for carrying out civilian and military missions as well as for diffusing rules, which affect, in various respects, the improvement of security management in third countries through their incorporation. By adopting today’s global approach, both military and civilian, to crisis management and continuing to strengthen its capacity for action and analytical tools, the European Union is becoming a major security vector at international level, and its Common Security and Defense Policy expeditionary missions are the tangible proof.

  • Directions of Poland’s Energy Security Policy in the Natural Gas Sector

    Author: Małgorzata Kamola-Cieślik
    E-mail: m.k.kamola@wp.pl
    Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2956-3969
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 67-84
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020106
    PDF: ppsy/49-1/ppsy2020106.pdf

    Poland has insufficient natural gas resources to satisfy its needs. That is why it has been dependent on the imports of that raw material. One of the challenges facing the Polish government is limiting Poland’s dependency on Russian gas. The objective of the paper is to present the directions of the Polish government’s energy security policy in terms of natural gas in the years of 2015-2018. Particular attention was paid to the assumptions and the implementation of the government’s gas policy in terms of the situation in the European Union gas market. An attempt was made to answer the question: To what extent have the assumptions of policy of the government of the Law and Justice party regarding Poland’s gas security been realized? In an attempt to answer the question so formulated, the following methods were used in the study: a decision-making method, formal-legal method, statistical and comparative methods. On the grounds of the conducted research, it needs to be concluded that after 2015, as a result of the government’s policy, the imports of natural gas from the east to Poland were reduced with a simultaneous diversification of the direction from which this raw material was delivered. The resignation from the deliveries of Russian gas to Poland after 2022 will be possible thanks to putting Baltic Pipe gas pipeline into operation and raising the flow capacity of Świnoujście LNG terminal. The implementation of these investments will have a positive impact on the improvement of Poland’s gas security. Failure to launch the investments and an increase of gas consumption in Poland will make it necessary to conclude a short-term Polish-Russian agreement for imports of that fuel to Poland.

  • Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

    Author: Paul McNamara
    E-mail: paulmcnamara@hotmail.com
    Institution: Technical University of Koszalin (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1688-1709
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 92-126
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020206
    PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020206.pdf

    The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.

  • European Science Diplomacy and its Applications to Global Challenges

    Author: Joanna Siekiera
    E-mail: joanna.siekiera@uib.no
    Institution: University of Bergen, Norway
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0125-9121
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 203-206
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020316
    PDF: ppsy/49-3/ppsy2020316.pdf

    European Academy of Diplomacy Warsaw Science Diplomacy School. Warsaw, (June 22-26, 2020), European Academy of Diplomacy and Inventing a shared Science Diplomacy for Europe (InsSciDE)

    Warsaw Science Diplomacy School 2020 was the 1st edition of summer school held together by the European Academy of Diplomacy, based in Poland, and the European Union led programme Inventing a shared Science Diplomacy for Europe (InsSciDE). The week-long venue took place online, due to the coronavirus pandemic, between 22-26 June 2020. Class of 2020 consisted of 28 participants from 6 continents, 10 European Union member states and 27 countries in total, where vast majority possessed different nationality and country of residence. Also, the mentors and instructors of the school came from over 13 institutions gathered in the InsSciDe consortium. Participants were divided into 4 teams where they were discussing study cases of how European science diplomacy applies to global challenges. The chosen challenges were the following: Natural resources as public goods for global health; A Matter of Global Epidemic Diplomacy; Scientists in diplomacy during the Scramble for Africa; and A co-production of science and diplomacy in the Law of the Sea.

  • Great Britain after Brexit – Is Breturn Possible?

    Author: Łukasz Danel
    Institution: Cracow University of Economics
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-20
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.01
    PDF: apsp/67/apsp6701.pdf

    The article is devoted to the problem of further steps that Great Britain could take to break the stalemate in which it found itself after June 2016 when the British decided to leave the European Union. Despite making this decision, it turned out that its implementation was unexpectedly difficult, which in turn caused a political crisis in Great Britain that has not been seen in this country for a long time. The aim of the article is to try to find answers to two research questions. First of all, could the Brexit process – both from a legal and political point of view – have been stopped and reversed, for example, by holding a second referendum? Secondly, whether, since Brexit has become a fact, we can expect a quick return of Great Britain to the European Union (“Breturn”). Using the method of institutional and legal analysis and the content analysis method, the Author tries to prove the thesis that the idea of a second referendum seemed unlikely, and hence – Brexit was rather inevitable. As for “Breturn” – this scenario also looks unrealistic, as it would involve various legal and political obstacles as well as practical inconveniences for Great Britain.

  • The Evolution of the European Union Urban Agenda: A Hard Path Towards a City-Oriented Policy?

    Author: Liliia Hrytsai
    Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 21-35
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.02
    PDF: apsp/67/apsp6702.pdf

    During the last decades, alongside the growing role of cities, the process of urbanization has been receiving more and more attention from the European policy-makers. This study analyzes the evolution of the EU urban agenda establishment since 1970s till the present times. In the first part, the paper presents five stages, most important milestones and core programs regarding the urbanization process in Europe. In the second section, the author pays a special attention to the Urban Agenda for the EU (the Pact of Amsterdam) as one of the key documents promoting the sound cooperation among the European urban policy stakeholders. In the final part, the paper provides the evaluation of the EU urban agenda’s genesis by indicating the main features of this process.

  • Joining the Economic and Monetary Union and Amending the Constitution of the Republic of Poland

    Author: Szymon Pawłowski
    Institution: University of Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 36-47
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.03
    PDF: apsp/67/apsp6703.pdf

    The purpose of the article is to present a proposal to amend the Basic Law and to indicate its close connection with the nature of the political (system) decision. The amendment to the Basic Law may be extended or limited. Possible legal constructions were carried out in the article. This would determine the conditions of Poland’s participation in the euro area, which are acceptable from the Polish constitution’s point of view.

  • European Inheritance Certificate

    Author: Alina Goncharova
    E-mail: a.goncharova@yur.sumdu.edu.ua
    Institution: Educational and Scientific Institute of Law Sumy State University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9815-0394
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-16
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20210101
    PDF: ksm/29/ksm2901.pdf

    Today’s world, in the absence of borders, people are increasingly changing their place of residence, owning real estate, holding bank accounts and owning other property in different countries. This can not but have consequences in inheritance. This, in turn, can create some difficulties, cause disputes between the heirs and will undoubtedly affect the costs of registration of the inheritance. Another common problem is that a will made in one country may not have legal force in another country where it must be enforced. These and many other issues could not remain unresolved at the EU. A common approach to many inheritance issues has been found through the adoption of the Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council № 650/2012 of 4 July 2012 on jurisdiction, law enforcement, recognition and enforcement, adoption and enforcement of authentic instruments in matters of inheritance and the creation of a European Certificate of Inheritance. This provision came into force on August 17, 2015 and applies to cases of inheritance that occurred after that date. Inheritance cases are processed by one competent authority (court or other authority) in one state, and decisions taken in such cases are recognized in other EU member states without any special formalities. This should significantly improve and facilitate the inheritance procedure within the European Union, with the exception of Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom, which do not particpate in this regulation. We will consider these questions in our research.

  • Działalność Unii Europejskiej przeciw pandemii COVID-19 na Ukrainie

    Author: Marta Labuda
    E-mail: marta.labuda@doctoral.uj.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5327-9426
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-21
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20212801
    PDF: npw/28/npw2801.pdf

    European Union Activity Against the COVID-19 Pandemic in Ukraine

    The article is an attempt to look at the activity of the European Union against the COVID19 pandemic in Ukraine. The purpose of the research is to demonstrate successes and failures of the EU’s activity in this area. The main research question posed in the article is: How did the EU’s activity affect the course of the pandemic in Ukraine? The main research hypothesis is statement that the EU’s activity has caused a significant mobilization in implementing reforms in Ukraine, but so far it has not resulted in a decrease in the number of COVID-19 cases in the country. The research has been based on a qualitative methodology, with the document analysis strategy. The research material consisted of primary acts of the EU’s institutions, government data of Ukraine and internet portals devoted to the issue. Research shows that the EU’s activity against the COVID-19 pandemic in Ukraine has proved successful in terms of the need to finance actions to overcome the negative effects of it.

  • Cross-border: juvenile delinquency and crime a paradoxical nexus for social transformation

    Author: Valentyn Savytskyi
    E-mail: valentynsawyckyi@gmail.com
    Institution: Institute of International Relations of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6792-2892
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 119-133
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2021209
    PDF: rop/16/rop1609.pdf

    The article reveals the issues of modern bilateral legal regulation of labor migration between Ukraine and EU member states. Bilateral cooperation can be considered the most effective, because it takes into account the actual problems between the participants and is focused on specific subjects. The existing agreements are analyzed, their common and distinctive features are singled out, and the advantages and disadvantages of such agreements are revealed. The author substantiates the conclusion in the article that the Association Agreement does not grant Ukrainian citizens the right to free employment on the territory of EU member states and to free movement within the EU for this purpose. Nothing in the Association Agreement can be interpreted as such that acts as a basis for free employment of Ukrainian citizens. The author has analyzed the agreements that are currently in force with the member states of the European Union, and based on this analysis, he derived the author’s classification, which divides the agreements according to their key characteristics. According to the criterion, author distinguished four types of agreements: cooperation agreements (Belgium); migration flow management agreements (Spain); agreements on mutual employment of citizens and labor activity (Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Czech Republic); temporary migration agreements (Portugal). The shortcomings of the relevant agreements and ways to improve the future content of such agreements have been identified. The author established interrelation between the agreements concluded in the same period and also allocated the questions which should be fixed in the future bilateral agreements. The article argues that international treaties governing the protection of the rights of migrant workers and employment regulate the basic procedural issues of employment of foreigners in their territory, the requirements for them, as well as the rights he is granted if such requirements are met. The author also identifi es ways to develop bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and EU member states, paying special attention to the following areas: development of the international legal framework with the member states of the Union; institutional cooperation; implementation of international and European norms and standards.

  • 30 lat później: problem rządów prawa w exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych Polski z perspektywy 1990 i 2019 r.

    Author: Przemysław Brzuszczak
    Institution: Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 210-228
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.70.13
    PDF: apsp/70/apsp7013.pdf

    Artykuł stanowi próbę porównania obecności problematyki rządów prawa w dorocznych exposé ministrów spraw zagranicznych RP z perspektywy 1990 i 2019 r. Impulsem do wzmiankowanej analizy wystąpień Krzysztofa Skubiszewskiego i Jacka Czaputowicza były: 30. rocznica powołania rządu Tadeusza Mazowieckiego i – co się z tym wiąże – zapowiedź ustanowienia standardów prawnych charakterystycznych dla zachodnich demokracji liberalnych oraz, siłą rzeczy, bieżący spór wokół praworządności w Polsce. Okoliczności te sprawiły, że zagadnienie rządów prawa zajęło istotne miejsce w przemówieniach obu szefów dyplomacji. W artykule dokonano analizy wystąpień obu ministrów spraw zagranicznych. Kwestia praworządności pojawia się w nich w następujących kontekstach: krajowym (transformacja wymiaru sprawiedliwości i towarzyszący jej dyskurs) oraz międzynarodowym, obejmującym relacje Polski z innymi państwami (ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem państw sąsiedzkich) i organizacjami międzynarodowymi (Rada Europy – przez pryzmat przede wszystkim Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka, Unia Europejska, ONZ). O ile minister Skubiszewski w pewnym sensie wyznaczył w swym exposé „punkt wyjścia” polskiej polityki zagranicznej (w tym zobowiązanie do implementacji międzynarodowych standardów ochrony praw człowieka), tak Jacek Czaputowicz „punkt dojścia”, bowiem najistotniejsze cele wolnej Polski w sferze stosunków zewnętrznych zostały na przestrzeni 30 lat zrealizowane. Zmiana polityczna, jaką przyniosły wybory parlamentarne w 2015 r., sprawiła, że problem rządów prawa w Polsce stał się – także w polityce zagranicznej – na powrót aktualny.

  • Funkcjonowanie Sądu Konstytucyjnego w Albanii jako determinant procesu akcesji z Unią Europejską

    Author: Renata Podgórzańska
    E-mail: renata.podgorzanska@usz.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6610-9699
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 389-400
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.25
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6225.pdf

    The operation of the Constitutional Court in Albania as a determinant of the EU accession process

    The place of the Constitutional Court in Albania’s political system, the significance attributed to this institution and most of all the possibilities of fulfilment of its constitutional role are the subject of the analysis taken up in this paper. It addresses in particular the impact of the manner of operation of the Constitutional Court in the context of Albania’s European aspirations. Moreover, the study emphasises a thesis that Albania’s efforts to obtain membership of the European Union have been an essential element strengthening the process of Albania’s political, social and economic transformation.

  • O potrzebie armii europejskiej w kontekście globalnej zmiany geopolitycznej

    Author: Sławomir Sadowski
    E-mail: slsadowski@ukw.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3437-9114
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 170-192
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202008
    PDF: siip/19/siip1908.pdf

    Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest kwestia zorganizowania skutecznego systemu obronnego Unii Europejskiej w kontekście zmiany geopolitycznej dokonującej się w świecie. Tym samym istotna staje się odpowiedź na pytanie, czy Unia Europejska chcąc utrzymać istotną rolę w globalnym układzie politycznym może tego dokonać nie dysponując sprawnym instrumentem militarnym? Wydaje się, że Unia Europejska pozbawiona efektywnej siły militarnej może zachować ważną pozycję w systemie globalnym, lecz zostanie zredukowana do roli mocarstwa drugiego rzędu, jako podmiot nie pełnowymiarowy. Zasadniczymi metodami badawczymi są różne metody pomiaru potęgi jednostek politycznych.

  • Rola Europejskiego Urzędu ds. Bezpieczeństwa Żywności w zapewnianiu bezpieczeństwa biologicznego na przykładzie Afrykańskiego Pomoru Świń

    Author: Barbara Panciszko
    E-mail: barbarapanciszko@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3480-3189
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 211-229
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202010
    PDF: siip/19/siip1910.pdf

    Przedmiotem artykułu jest problematyka zagrożenia biologicznego w państwach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej, jakim jest wirus Afrykańskiego Pomoru Świń (ASF). Celem było określenie roli Europejskiego Urzędu ds. Bezpieczeństwa Żywności (EFSA) w procesie analizy ryzyk biologicznych oraz wskazanie funkcji, jakie pełni w systemie instytucjonalnym UE. Postawiono hipotezę badawczą: rekomendacje wydawane w opiniach naukowych publikowanych przez EFSA są podstawą decyzji wykonawczych Komisji Europejskiej. Korespondują z nią pytania badawcze: Jaka jest skala zagrożeń związanych z wirusem ASF? Jakie kompetencje ma EFSA w procesie analizy ryzyk biologicznych? Jak ewoluowało podejście EFSA, co do zalecanych narzędzi zarządzania ryzykiem związanym z wirusem ASF? Kiedy i w jakich przypadkach EFSA podejmuje badania naukowe dotyczące ASF? W opracowaniu wykorzystano metodę case study oraz posłużono się techniką desk research.

  • Shaping of Sustainable Political System in a Supranational Space of the European Union: Institutional Perspective

    Author: Anna Wierzchowska
    Institution: University of Economics and Human Sciences in Warsaw
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4340-9418
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 211-228
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.72.12
    PDF: apsp/72/apsp7212.pdf

    The current study assumes that the notion of sustainable development, typical for the discourse on environmental protection, can be also applied to political research and indicates that institutions play a very important role in the process of creating and maintaining the balance of the political system, the aim of which is to build sustainable relations between different participants in its space. The European Union, which seems to feature characteristics of a hybrid organization and displays strong tendency to increase complexity, is examined. The EU institutions have a very important and often difficult role to play in sustaining intergovernmental and supranational influence and therefore often find themselves in contradictory situations. The intersecting efforts to deepen integration and at the same time the need to protect sovereignty do not allow for straightforward achievement of sustainable development of the integration system. Therefore, a distinctive feature of this system is the maintaining of sustainability rather than the actual achievement of sustainable development.

  • Kryzys migracyjny na wschodniej granicy UE – rola Europolu we współpracy w bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym

    Author: Weronika Jakubczak
    Institution: Szkoła Główna Służby Pożarniczej w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 229-244
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.70.14
    PDF: apsp/70/apsp7014.pdf

    Osiągnięcie wysokiego poziomu bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego jest jednym z priorytetów Unii Europejskiej. Politykę bezpieczeństwa wewnętrznego UE realizuje, dbając o przestrzeń wolności, bezpieczeństwa i sprawiedliwości. Wobec kryzysu migracyjnego, który trwa już od wielu lat, a obecnie ma nowe oblicze, przed UE pojawiają się nowe wyzwania. UE musi zacieśnić współpracę na wielu poziomach tak, by zapewnić jak najwyższy poziom bezpieczeństwa. Agencje UE wspomagające współpracę w bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym angażują się w walkę z efektami kryzysu migracyjnego i wspierają siły państwowe przy ochronie granic. Rolę jednej z nich –Europolu – oraz działającego w jego ramach Europejskiego Centrum Zwalczania Przemytu Migrantów – EMSC warto poruszyć w aspekcie rozważań nad współpracą w bezpieczeństwie wewnętrznym. Odpowiedź na kryzys migracyjny musi być bardziej kompleksowa i brać pod uwagę potrzeby zarówno migrantów, jak i państw przyjmujących czy tranzytowych.

  • Common Security and Defense Policy of the European Union Through the Prism of Polish Experiences and Security Interests

    Author: Teresa Usewicz
    E-mail: t.usewicz@gmail.com
    Institution: Polish Naval Academy
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6234-224X
    Author: Kinga Torbicka
    E-mail: kinga.torbicka@uw.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Warsaw
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6625-5060
    Author: Magdalena El Ghamari
    E-mail: magdalena.elghamari@civitas.edu.pl
    Institution: Collegium Civitas
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5798-7545
    Published online: 18 October 2021
    Final submission: 8 August 2021
    Printed issue: 2021
    Source: Show
    Page no: 27
    Pages: 33-59
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202149
    PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202149.pdf

    In this paper, the authors attempt to prove that the Polish position on developing the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) was skeptical, despite entries in political and strategic documents which emphasized its great significance for Polish security policy. It is evidenced by Poland’s low level of involvement in EU missions and operations and other undertakings in the CSDP area. The central hypothesis adopted at the beginning of the research is that Poland has always treated security and defense within the European Union as a kind of complement to the potential and capabilities developed within the framework of the North Atlantic Alliance, and the Polish involvement in CSDP has never been adequate to the provisions contained in political and strategic documents. Poland’s stance resulted, on the one hand, from the weakness of the CSDP’s political framework, which was shaped by numerous compromises among its member states, and on the other hand, from the political elite’s conviction that only NATO’s, and de facto the United States’, security guarantees are credible. In this paper, the authors analyze Poland’s previous experience resulting from polish participation in the policy in question and the evolution of Poland’s position toward its development in the context of the Republic of Poland’s security interests formulated in political and strategic documents.

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