Hiszpania

  • The Legality of the Catalan Independence Referendums

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: University of Gdańsk
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 87-99
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.05
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4005.pdf

    During the last decade the separatist activities of the Catalan nationalists have intensified. Despite the enactment of the Statute of Autonomy in 2006, extending the existing autonomy of the Autonomous Community, Catalonia’s governing political parties strived for total independence. In view of the consistent attitude of the central government in Madrid refusing any concessions on the extension of autonomy or independence, the Autonomous Government of Catalonia (Generalitat) appealed to the institutions of direct democracy, calling twice for a Catalan referendum on independence. In both cases, the Spanish Constitutional Court declared the referendum unlawful. In spite of this, Catalonia declared independence after the referendum of October 1st, 2017, although the effects of the declaration were also suspended – a situation so far unknown to law.

  • Zagadnienie stołeczności miast w regionach autonomicznych Hiszpanii

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 173-187
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.01.09
    PDF: ppk/35/ppk3509.pdf

    The problem of capitals is often marginalized however, not always regulations referring to capitals are clearly defined. The constitution of Spain allows the autonomous regions (which the country is divided into) to designate their capitals themselves. Most regions regulate the problem of capitals in their Statue of Autonomy, or refers to other resolutions of the local parliament. Often the term “capital” is not used. Instead, the city that will host the autonomy institution is indicated. In most cases there is no doubt about the city which should hold the capital function in the autonomy. However there are exceptions to this rule. For example in Galicia a serious conflict took place in course of designation of the capital. The same is still happening in Castilla and León. This autonomy, as well as The Basque Country, has no clear regulation regarding to the capital city, which is the cause of many local political crises.

  • Geneza i konstytucyjne podstawy prawnoustrojowe autonomii baskijskiej

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 159-176
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2015.04.08
    PDF: ppk/26/ppk2608.pdf

    Spain is a unitary state according the Constitution of 1978, although it is administratively divided into autonomous regions. Basque Country has large autonomous aspirations. Over the years, coexistence in larger state organisms, the Basques had relative autonomy and obtained many rights and privileges named fueros. Despite the temporary restriction or partial repeal during the nineteenth century and in the dictatorship era of Francisco Franco, the Spanish Constitution took into account the ambitions of the Basques respecting their individuality also in the field of restoring fueros, updated to the current situation of the state. Basque Country has in some fields greater autonomy than other regions of Spain, which is reflected in the Statute of the Autonomy. The Basque society largely accepts current conditions of the autonomy regulated by the Constitution and the Statute of the Autonomy. This resulted in, among others, partial social discontent against the plan to modernize the Statute of Autonomy, and most of all, marginalized terrorist organization ETA.

  • Cechy hiszpańskiego systemu rządów

    Author: Małgorzata Myśliwiec
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 131-146
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.2-3.06
    PDF: ppk/02-03/ppk2-306.pdf

    The Spanish political regime can be defined as a system of parliamentary government. The most characteristic features of it are: the dualism of executive, the neutral position of the head of state and the political responsibility of the government before the parliament. Besides, accepted legal solutions allow for the high effectiveness of the governmental action.The specification of the Spanish political stage, formed after 1978, allow to getcloser to the model of the parliamentary government (in the case of existence of the majority government) or to the model of parliamentary committee (in the case of the minority government). Thus, the main aim of this article is to present some key features of the Spanish political regime.

  • Współksiążęta czy konprincepsi? Kilka uwag o statusie prezydenta Francji i biskupa Urgell jako głowy państwa andorańskiego w kontekście formy ustrojowej Andory

    Author: Marcin Michał Wiszowaty
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 327-345
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.19
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1819.pdf

    The constitutional system of Andorra is not a popular subject of study of science either in Poland or abroad. In Poland, after 1993 (the year the adoption of the current constitution) were published only a few articles or fragments of larger studies on this topic. As a result, the vast majority of these studies have mainly reporting character. Many interesting issues have been mentioned only in footnotes. Among them: the question of the status of specific, Andorran head of state and (resulting) the correct indication of the form of Andorran state. Co-principes are translated into Polish as „co-princes”. It consequently, automatically determined Andorra as a „principality”, ie the state of monarchical system, and even a constitutional monarchy . This should be considered , at least as controversial. The author formulates two hypotheses and subjected them to verify. Firstly – Andorra is a principate (not a principality) – a mixed form of political system combines elements of monarchy and republic, outweigh the latter, in addition to the relics of the former. Head of State in principate should be referred to as „princeps”, and in the case of Andorra, specifically: co-princeps. In this way we will avoid misleading comparisons with „a prince”, as monarchical, hereditary head of state. Secondly – despite the adoption of a modern constitution, there are remaining relics of feudal times in the political system of Andorra, resulting from the former status of „condominium”. This is particularly evident in the form of the Andorran heads of state institution. It also gives a partial capacity to influence decisions of the co-principes by their home country’s authorities.

  • Udział Hiszpanii w misjach bezpieczeństwa w Sahelu Zachodnim

    Author: Stanisław Kosmynka
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 103-116
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.65.07
    PDF: apsp/65/apsp6507.pdf

    Artykuł prezentuje uwarunkowania strategii bezpieczeństwa Hiszpanii wobec Sahelu Zachodniego, szczególnie Mali, Mauretanii i Nigru. Przedstawia przesłanki oraz charakter realizacji hiszpańskich misji wojskowo-szkoleniowych i policyjnych w tym regionie Afryki. Rozważania zawarte w analizie wskazują na transnarodowy aspekt zagrożeń płynących ze strony ekstremizmu dżihadystycznego, pozostającego tak często w symbiozie ze zorganizowaną przestępczością, czerpiącą profity z nielegalnej migracji, handlu bronią i substancjami psychoaktywnymi. Zależności te są widoczne w odniesieniu do wielu państw afrykańskich, m.in. obszaru Sahelu. Artykuł podejmuje refleksję nad znaczeniem sytuacji tego regionu dla bezpieczeństwa południowej flanki Unii Europejskiej, a zarazem wyszczególnia przedsięwzięcia i projekty tam realizowane przez państwa Europy Południowo-Zachodniej (Hiszpanię, Francję i Włochy).

  • An Outline History of the King’s Veto in Spain

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: Jagiellonian College - Toruń University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1729-7595
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 545-556
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.44
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5844.pdf

    Although the current Constitution of 1978 does not include the right to a legislative veto among royal prerogatives, this institution has a rich tradition in Spanish constitutionalism. In the 19th century, despite the clash between conservative and liberal ideas, the King almost continuously had the right to refuse to sanction law projects. Only the political changes of the 20th century finally deprived the monarch of the right to intervene in the legislative process. However, under the current Constitution, all laws must be sanctioned by the King, which often causes political and legal controversy.

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