Iran

  • Znaczenie irańskiej opozycji antyreżimowej dla polityki zagranicznej Baracka Obamy

    Author: Maciej Milczanowski
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Informatyki i Zarządzania w Rzeszowie
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 149–157
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.50.09
    PDF: apsp/50/apsp5009.pdf

    Od 1979 roku reżim irański jest w zasadniczym konfl ikcie ze światem Zachodu, a szczególnie z USA i Wielką Brytanią oraz Izraelem. W tak długim okresie dochodziło do okresowych zmian, z którymi administracja USA wiązała pewne nadzieje. Niemniej jednak, mimo chwilowych okresów pozornej odwilży w stosunkach dwustronnych, za każdym razem następował powrót do tradycyjnej wrogości między Islamską Republiką Iranu a USA. Jednocześnie społeczeństwo irańskie jest narażone na nieustanne represje ze strony władz. Zachodzi więc zasadnicze pytanie, w jaki sposób i czy w ogóle Zachód, a przede wszystkim USA jako mocarstwo globalne, o największym potencjale militarno-operacyjnym pozwalającym na oddziaływanie w każdym rejonie świata, powinny reagować na sytuację i wydarzenia w Iranie.
    Celem artykułu jest poddanie analizie charakteru oraz sposobów działania najważniejszych irańskich grup opozycyjnych, a także ich znaczenia dla programu politycznego USA zawartego w tzw. doktrynie Obamy (2009). Analiza najważniejszych grup opozycyjnych pozwoli na określenie stopnia możliwej ich współpracy z USA, jak i ich potencjału do sprawowania władzy w Iranie w sposób jak najbardziej demokratyczny.

  • Koniec specjalnych relacji Stanów Zjednoczonych z Arabią Saudyjską?

    Author: Adam Gwiazda
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 96-114
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201606
    PDF: siip/15/siip1506.pdf

    The end of special relationships between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia?

    The Saudi special relationships with the U.S., unlike that of the U.S. with Israel, are mutually beneficial. Saudi Arabia sells about 10 million barrels of oil a day and all those transactions are denominated in American dollars, which helps that currency to perform the role of the currency of account (world, s currency) and has been of crucial help to the American ambition to dominate the global economy. On the other hand the United States did its part to uphold the relationship be granting the security to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf oil states. This was demonstrated for example in 1990 during Iraqi attack on Kuwait, that also menaced Saudi Arabia. At that time the U.S. deployed 400,000 troops in Saudi Arabia and expelled Iraqi troops from Kuwait. The priority of American foreign policy in that region has been to keep Gulf oil in friendly hands. Since the increase of the production of shale oil in the United States that priority has been less important. Another factor which has exerted an influence on the nature of the U.S.-Saudi relationship was the signing the permanent agreement with Iran in July 2015 on the limitation of the Iranian nuclear program and normalization of political-economic relations with the West. This has led to further worsening of the U.S.-Saudi Arabia alliance which has always been like a ”marriage of convenience” where behind the façade of friendship and harmony there is cold calculation of benefi ts and losses. That alliance will last as long as the potential benefi ts will still be bigger than possible losses.

  • Azerbaijan and the Security Complex of The South Caucasus

    Author: Kseniia Pashaieva
    Institution: Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University,
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002- 2576-6403
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 13-29
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020101
    PDF: rop/11/rop1101.pdf

    This article reviews the academic literature on the regional security complex of the South Caucasus, which has been drawing the attention of the academic community for a long time. The paper aims to examine the security dynamics in the South Caucasus with a focus on Azerbaijan and a way in which domestic security is interconnected and linked to the region`s neighborhood and global arena. The conceptual framework for the paper is the regional security complex theory, elaborated by Barry Buzan and Ole Wæver. South Caucasus is an unstable region with several secessionist conflicts and interstate wars, exposed to the influence of its neighbors, which shape the regional security environment. Besides, the region is riven by geopolitical fractures as regional states have various foreign policy orientations, which hampers the resolution of regional conflicts and complicates cooperation. The research is carried at three levels of analysis - the domestic level, reviewing internal vulnerabilities and state to state relations, interregional level, examining dynamics between regional and neighboring states, and the last level - global, considering the interplay between regional and the world-leading powers. Correspondingly, sections of the paper study internal challenges and threats of the regional states, examine relations between Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, and their neighborhood - Turkey, Iran, Russia, as well as global powers - the EU and the US to analyze similar and conflicting interests and patterns of influence. The article concludes that the South Caucasus security environment is unstable, hampered by the failure of democratic transformation and unresolved conflicts, namely Nagorno-Karabakh, which Russia uses as a tool to keep Caucasian states in a sphere of its influence. It is evident that Azerbaijan plays a vital role in the production and transit of hydrocarbons from the Caspian region to Europe. Therefore, it is crucial to eliminate threats coming from the region and to ensure the security of energy infrastructure, carrying energy resources westwards.

  • “Sham partnership” or “hidden competition”? The Russian Federation and the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Central Asian region

    Author: Kakha Putkaradze
    Institution: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1762-6769
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-113
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020207
    PDF: rop/12/rop1207.pdf

    Recent years the growing confrontation between the Russian Federation, the United States, and the EU is accompanied by Moscow’s searching the alternative allies for its diplomatic support. Iran is called one of such allies today. The Russian-Iranian relations are interesting both in terms of sectoral and geographical fields. The region of Central Asia is of particular importance. The need to consider such aspects is explained by the strengthening of Iran’s position in Central Asia as a direct zone of Russian interests in a sense of its economic, cultural, and religious presence.

  • Potencjał nuklearny Iranu i możliwe konsekwencje polityczne dla Bliskiego Wschodu

    Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 43-56
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2021103
    PDF: so/19/so1903.pdf

    Iran’s Nuclear Potential and Its Political Implications for the Middle-East

    Among many threats of the contemporary world, nuclear weapons should certainly be mentioned. While governments are aware of the disastrous consequences of their use, efforts are still being made to develop nuclear potential. The US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement has prompted Iran to step up its research and development efforts and increase its stockpile of nuclear fuel. To consider possible political consequences of Iran’s expansion of nuclear arsenal, the most significant developments in Iranian history relating to nuclear weapons have been followed. The article focuses solely on the most significant possible political consequences. Conclusion: two extreme scenarios seem most likely: nuclear weapons would provide stability and peace in the region and provide a counterbalance to the US and the negotiating field. A psychological and rational mechanism of the MAD concept would work, or on the contrary, the US concerns about Iran’s dominance in the region and pressure on others to buy weapons would realize.

  • Iranian Military Capabilities and Possibility of Blocking Hormuz Strait by Iran

    Author: Hadi Ajili
    Institution: Allameh Tabataba’i University,Tehran
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9468-8744
    Author: Nima Rezaee
    Institution: International Relations of Kharazmi University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8500-8882
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 59-80
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip202005
    PDF: cip/18/cip1805.pdf

    Following official announcement of oil embargo on Iran by the EU, official positions of Islamic Republic were introduced by political and military authorities based on “blocking Hormuz Strait under certain circumstances”; an issue of great concern in western officials. They warned about their military capabilities in the field of reopening Strait and maintaining security of energy transit lines in the Strait of Hormuz. They questioned the West military methods against Iranian military officials reopening the Strait of Hormuz.This study seeks to answer this question that “what are Iranian military capabilities to block Hormuz Strait?”, “If the Strait is blocked, when western military forces can reopen it?” “Iranian military capabilities which can be called ‘five pillars of military strategy’ based on cruise and ballistic anti-ship missiles, small speedboats, drones, small submarines, nautical mines and standoff missiles supported by air defense and electronic warfare (Jangal), allows Islamic Republic to block Hormuz strait in long term. However, previous to any military conflict with trans-regional forces, the main Iranian weapon is nautical mines to block Hormuz Strait”.

  • Izrael i Azerbejdżan w XXI wieku – szczera współpraca czy małżeństwo z rozsądku? Zarys problematyki

    Author: Sara Piwowarska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3529-0365
    Author: Marzena Mruk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6925-8160
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 33-50
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20213102
    PDF: npw/31/npw3102.pdf

    Israel and Azerbaijan in the 21st century – sincere cooperation or a marriage of convenience? Outline of the issues

    Relations between Israel and Azerbaijan were established in 1991. Israel is now one of Azerbaijan’s key partners. Despite the difficult geopolitical situation of both countries, they are developing cooperation in the field of trade, military, technical and political matters. In view of the developing relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, both countries benefit from mutual economic benefits and have also become strategic partners. The alliance with Azerbaijan gives Israel the opportunity to improve relations with Turkey and counterbalance Iran’s influence in the region. Azerbaijan, on the other hand, is developing rapidly as a result of cooperation with Israel and is becoming a key player in the South Caucasus region.

  • „Jam jest Dariusz, Wielki Król, Król Królów, Achemenida”. Legitymizacja władzy w okresie Achemenidów

    Author: Piotr Szustakiewicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4555-1389
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Pages: 73-84
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2022105
    PDF: so/21/so2105.pdf

    “I am Darius, the Great King, King of Kings, Achaemenid”. The Legitimacy of Power During the Achaemenid Period

    The article’s subject is the legitimation of the power of the Achaemenid kings, shown on the basis of preserved inscriptions from the era. These inscriptions have been repeatedly analysed in terms of linguistic and cultural studies. According to the author, they can also be helpful for the political science. For the purposes of this paper, legitimation is understood as processes leading to legitimacy, i.e., recognising a political system as proper and valid. The author distinguishes motifs used by the Achaemenids for this purpose. These are: the divine origin of power, references to tradition, the special attributes of the ruler, and the depreciation of political opponents. Among the Achaemenid inscriptions, there is almost always an invocation to the deity – Ahuramazda. This God is shown as the divine legislator and the creator of the material world and mankind. This element is extremely important in the context of the legitimacy of power, as it suggests the origin of royal power from the supreme, divine authority. The deity guides the Persian rulers, supports them in their battles and guarantees their reign. Divine origin makes the power held by the king a sacred gift. The reign and development of the empire thus become the fulfilment of God’s plan. Additionally, Ahuramazda is the creator of the cosmic order arta. Therefore, the ruler allied with him has the mandate to establish order on Earth. Along with the religious sanction of self-legitimisation of power, comes the demonisation of Achaemenid opponents. According to Max Weber, one of the types of legitimising power is “traditional rule” based on referring to the eternal orders. This type of legitimation is discernible in Old Persian inscriptions. In addition to religious and traditional sanction, rulers also made use of other measures to show that they were worthy of the throne. King Darius I has repeatedly indicated his fighting skills and integrity. In other inscriptions, one can find references to Persian beliefs, including the hatred of lies, described by Herodotus.

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