Konstytucja RP z 1997 r.

  • Wotum zaufania na gruncie Ustawy Zasadniczej RFN z 1949 r. i Konstytucji RP z 1997 r. w kontekście racjonalizacji systemu parlamentarnego obu państw

    Author: Maciej Pach
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 229-258
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.01.10
    PDF: ppk/17/ppk1710.pdf

    The article contains a comparative analysis of the provisions concerning the vote of confidence currently in force in Germany and Poland. The aim of the article is to evaluate the level of the parliamentary system’s rationalization in both countries, as far as the aforementioned legal institution is concerned. The concept of the rationalization of parliamentarism is construed by the author as aiming at political stability and effectiveness by means of properly formed legal tools, through strengthening of the government at the expense of the legislative power. The multifunctional character of the German vote of confidence and, especially, the lack of the chancellor’s obligation to dismiss in case of defeat at the voting on the motion in the parliament, justify the conclusion that the German version of the analyzed institution fulfills the concept of the rationalized parliamentarism more accurately than its Polish counterpart.

  • Relations between the President and the Senate in the Light of Provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997

    Author: Krzysztof Eckhardt
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Prawa i Administracji w Rzeszowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3338-9836
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 15-25
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.01
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5101.pdf

    The author describes mutual, constitutional relations between the Senate and the head of state, and asks questions about the perspectives of their modification. The political events of 1989 leading to the reinstatement of a single-member head of state and Senate in Poland made their restitution closely related. At present, the competence and func- tional dependence of these bodies is low. The President and the Senate share a common view on the constant presence in the doctrinal and political discussion of the problem of changing their political position.

  • Political Bias Media in the Light of the Provisions of the Polish Constitution of 1997

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3362-7363
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 93-102
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.06.07
    PDF: ppk/52/ppk5207.pdf

    The political involvement of media may raise doubts, particularly when these are the cas- es of political bias. Many Polish journalists perceive this phenomenon critically and try to counteract it, creating codes of journalistic ethics. Their impact, however, is not com- mon, so they remain ineffective. This problem should be considered while analyzing the Polish constitutional provisions and laws. None of the provisions of the Polish Consti- tution of 1997 does prohibit journalists or media political commitment. Media in Po- land have but to fulfill an important function of informing the sovereign (nation) about all the activities of public authorities. To this end, the legal standards guarantee media freedom of action. Associated with the position of media power is to serve social objec- tives, which is to provide information. Legal norms do not require neutrality, nor do they impose political commitment. It should also be remembered that media are a part of the Polish political system.

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