Middle East

  • The AKP in Turkey: Interior Politics and Foreign Issues

    Author: Paweł Sus
    Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2012
    Source: Show
    Pages: 222-247
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2012010
    PDF: ppsy/41/ppsy2012010.pdf

    The purpose of this paper is to make a contribution to the understanding of the domestic patterns of the political competition in Turkey. Moreover, the paper will also focus on the new doctrine of Turkish foreign policy implemented after the electoral victory of the pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi – AKP) in November 2002. In this article the AKP political platform is analyzed as a moderate pro-Islamic party because of its past connections with the Islamic National Outlook Movement of Necmettin Erbakan. In literature on the topic, all the Islamic political parties were connected to the political thought of N. Erbakan and known as the organizations of the National Outlook Movement tradition (Milli Görüş Hareketi). It should be noted that on this point, the first party was the National Order Party (Milli Nizam Partisi), second, the National Salvation Party (Milli Selamet Partisi), third the Welfare Party (Refah Partisi) and fourth the Virtue Party (Fazilet Partisi).

  • The Arab Awakening and Its Political Economy

    Author: Marek Rewizorski
    Institution: Koszalin University of Technology, Pomerian University in Słupsk (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2012
    Source: Show
    Pages: 323-340
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2012015
    PDF: ppsy/41/ppsy2012015.pdf

    Many commentators suggest that the Middle East political turbulence was foreseeable and it cannot be said it had been unexpected. However, the diplomatic and intelligence establishments in the United States and the European Union, which have the most crucial stakes in this region, seemed to have been so preoccupied with focusing on Al Qaeda, Hezbol-lah, Hammas, and the Taliban that in a narrow picture they seem to have lost sight of the revolutionary wave, which has altered the governments in Tunis and Cairo and shaved off some of the most hated and oppressive regimes with the sheer example of Hosni Mubarak and Muammar Qaddafi . The spectacular fall of such dictators as Mubarak, has led to the question, whether the “Arab Awakening” was a  transformation or a revolution. There are also questions concerning the idea of democratisation of the third world and corruption, which change the Arab governments into “bad apples”. According to the western view, democracy is a Janus-faced ideological god, pulling the strings of both politics and economics. One cannot exist without the other, therefore, when we reconsider the political aspect of the Arab uprising, we should not forget about the economy.

  • Tożsamość zbiorowa imigrantów z Bliskiego Wschodu w wybranych państwach Unii Europejskiej

    Author: Dalzar Nashwan Salem
    E-mail: sdalzar@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-19
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2017201
    PDF: so/12/so1201.pdf

    The collective identity of immigrants from the Middle East in EU countries

    Identity is one of the forms of belonging to specific cultural groups. By that, the individual becomes a member of the larger community. It means that individuals can integrate with each other, act as each other’s specific features. And what is more important to them, all the standards they adopt are the same. In the circumstances, whereas many social groups are forced to leave their countries, their respective objectives are different. Some are leaving for work, some avoiding wars or persecution, and others want to improve their living conditions. This forces us to undertake in-depth analyses of the situation, because the members of other countries are not always favourably disposed to accept foreigners. In the case of people from the Middle East concerns are stronger; the more Europe is struggling with the wave of terrorism. This raises additional concerns. These are strong enough, that it erases the advantages of the influx of foreign labour for an ageing community. Of course Europe undertakes appropriate actions to help the immigrant population. None the less fears are strong enough to block the appreciation of the advantages of this potential.

  • Międzynarodowa socjologia historyczna a studia nad Bliskim Wschodem

    Author: Artur Malantowicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 28-50
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.02
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5502.pdf

    Klasyczne teorie stosunków międzynarodowych cechuje redukcjonizm w procesie wyjaśniania relacji między środowiskiem wewnętrznym państwa a jego otoczeniem międzynarodowym. Jest to szczególnie zauważalne, gdy teorie te aplikowane są do wyjaśniania rzeczywistości pozaeuropejskiej. W odpowiedzi na powyższe wątpliwości teoretyczne artykuł podejmuje próbę rekonstrukcji genezy, podstawowych założeń teoretycznych oraz kierunków badań w międzynarodowej socjologii historycznej. W dalszej kolejności autor prezentuje możliwe kierunki jej aplikacji do badania procesów i zjawisk zachodzących w obrębie tzw. globalnego Południa, na przykładzie regionu bliskowschodniego. Artykuł konkluduje stwierdzeniem, że koncept analityczny socjologii historycznej, ukazujący stosunki międzynarodowe jako trójkąt wzajemnie powiązanych i zanurzonych w kontekście historycznym elementów – państwa, społeczeństwa i wymiaru międzynarodowego – jest odpowiedzią na potrzebę wzmocnienia powiązań dyscypliny stosunków międzynarodowych z innymi dziedzinami nauki.

  • Stosunki egipsko-syryjskie po 2011 roku

    Author: Jacek Małecki
    E-mail: jacek.malecki@onet.com.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 23-49
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2018102
    PDF: so/13/so1302.pdf

    Egyptian-Syrian relations after 2011

    Egypt and Syria have been important actors in the Middle East, a region of considerable geostrategic importance. This article analyses relations between the two countries after 2011 in the context of events related to the so-called Arab Spring. The first part of the study describes the common path Egypt and Syria took over the past millennia, which explains the significance of their mutual relations. In the section that follows, the author shows the destructive impact of processes related to the Arab Spring on relations between these countries, most notably the eruption of the Syrian conflict and the takeover of power in Egypt by the Muslim Brotherhood. Next, the article describes the impact of the fall of Islamists in Egypt in 2013. Although since then relations between the two countries have ceased to be hostile, efforts to repair them remain slow. The author argues that the reasons for this delay could be attributed to the pressures exercised by external actors.

  • Znaczenie rodziny królewskiej w praktyce ustrojowej i politycznej monarchii arabskich: Arabii Saudyjskiej, Jordanii i Maroka

    Author: Anna Oliwa
    E-mail: anna.oliwa@outlook.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 113-130
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2018106
    PDF: so/13/so1306.pdf

    Constitutional and political role of the royal family in Arab monarchies – Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Morocco

    The article aims to explain the constitutional and political role of the royal family in three Arab monarchies: Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Morocco. The introduction discusses the typology of monarchy, including the division into individual monarchies with the marginal role of the royal family and monarchies where the royal family holds a significant position. Through the use of a comparative method, the article analyses the constitutional position of the royal family according to the normative acts of the studied states. The next part of the article attempts to answer the following questions: what place does the royal family occupy in the political system of their country? do its members have individual competences or share them with other state authorities? The importance of factors such as religion and family history will be emphasized. In addition, the author will indicate areas of social and political life that may be influenced by members of the royal family.

  • The Securitisation of Kurdish Self-Determination as A Challenge for the Sectarian Balance of Power in the Middle East

    Author: Marek Musioł
    E-mail: marek.musiol@uwr.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-134
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019107
    PDF: ppsy/48-1/ppsy2019107.pdf

    The article addresses current questions concerning the Kurdish situation before and after the invasion and expansion of ISIS. It applied the theory of securitisation to study the tangled circumstances and frameworks of Kurdish claims, underlining their attempts at gaining their much-desired independence. This elaboration enables one to recognise the genesis and the local, regional and global context of international actions vis-à-vis Kurdish interests, and the possible supporters and opponents of the Kurdish project of statehood in the Middle East. It portrays also the current perception of Kurdish efforts to establish their own national and legal subjectivity that must be recognised by the majority of state actors in order to meet the indispensable criteria of international law.
    This article is particularly important in the context of recent developments in the Middle East. First of all, it refers to pressures, as well as openly offensive actions targeting the interests and territories controlled by the Kurds in Turkey during the existence of the so-called Islamic State. Secondly, it reflects on actors’ reactions in the international arena, including the countries of the Middle East, towards the independence referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan, as well as on direct actions aimed at shaping a new geopolitical order after the fall of ISIS (attack by Iraqi troops in Kirkuk or the Turkish army in Afrin).

  • Relacje czeczeńsko-saudyjskie (sierpień 1999–luty 2007 r.)

    Author: Kamil Pietrasik
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 55-66
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2018203
    PDF: so/14/so1403.pdf

    Relations Chechen-Saudi (august 1997–february 2007)

    In the article, the author presented the most important events relations of Chechen-Saudian from the middle of 1999 to February 2007. The author showed how politics looked like for example during presidency of Aslan Maskhadov’s, Ahmat Kadyrov’s.

  • Najlepsi z najlepszych. Charakterystyka wybranych izraelskich jednostek kontrterrorystycznych

    Author: Natalia Ciszewska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9655-2173
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 130-142
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20192307
    PDF: npw/23/npw2307.pdf

    The best of the best. Characteristics of selected Israeli counterterrorist units

    The creation of Israel aroused many negative emotions, which over time evolved into war and terrorist activities, the aim of which was to destroy this country and push it into the sea. Israel in response to numerous attacks was forced to develop an effective defense, and its basic element was well-trained special forces. Israeli services are considered brutal: they carry out daring operations, risking diplomatic crises, never negotiating with hijackers, and often killing potential terrorists, however, they cannot be denied their effectiveness. Israeli commandos are often recognized as the best in the world and their training is as demanding as the American Navy SEAL’s. In the era of growing number of terrorist attacks, it is worth taking a closer look at Israeli counterterrorism units, their experience and answer the question whether the methods, tactics and strategies used are appropriate and should be copied by special forces of other countries.

  • Rynki, państwa i polityka. Wybrane problemy polityczne i ekonomiczne Bliskiego Wschodu we współczesnym świecie

    Author: Michał Zaremba
    E-mail: michal.zaremba@uni.lodz.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9525-9100
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 74-90
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202404
    PDF: npw/24/npw2404.pdf

    Markets, countries and politics. Selected political and economic problems of the Middle East in the modern world

    Control and access to resources and trade routes have always conditioned and determined the position of a given country on the world stage and its wealth. For many centuries, the Middle East region has been one of the most important regions in the world, both due to its geographical location, as a link between East and West, and natural resources available to individual countries. Despite the enormous diversity of Middle Eastern countries and the danger of over-generalization, it is worth looking at the whole area, which in the future may become an important center in the global economy and an important point of world politics.

  • Arabia Saudyjska: historie wybranych epidemii i prerogatywa królewska w walce z koronawirusem

    Author: Kamil Pietrasik
    E-mail: kamilpietrasik@interia.pl
    Institution: Towarzystwo Azji i Pacyfiku, Polska
    ORCID: https//orcid.org/0000-0002-8579-0659
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 62-76
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2020205
    PDF: so/18/so1805.pdf

    Saudi Arabia: Stories of Selected Epidemics and Royal Prerogative in the Fight against Coronavirus

    In the text, the author presents shows a short history of epidemics that took place in Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and also discusses political decisions and a possible fight with epidemic of coronavirus. After analyzing the most important sources and information on the topic of coronavirus, the author proposes a thesis that Saudi Arabia is ready for an epidemic of coronavirus diseases.

  • Sułtanat Omanu pod rządami Haithama bin Tariqa Al Saida

    Author: Anna Oliwa
    E-mail: anna.oliwa@outlook.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 124-137
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2020209
    PDF: so/18/so1809.pdf

    Sultanate of Oman under the Rule of Haitham bin Tariq Al Said

    Sultan Kabus will go down in the history of Oman as a country modernizer, an effective negotiator on the international stage and a ruler with the longest political seniority in the region. His 50-year rule raised questions about a worthy successor as a head of state. The purpose of the article is to present the succession procedure in the Sultanate of Oman and the profile of the new Sultan, Haitham bin Tariq Al Said. In addition, the author indicate, the challenges facing the new sultan in internal and foreign policy. The link between them is the long-term development strategy of Oman Vision 2040 adopted by the Sultanate of Oman.

  • Specifics of the So-Called Islamic State

    Author: Kinga Smoleń
    Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 84-111
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.67.06
    PDF: apsp/67/apsp6706.pdf

    The aim of this paper is to analyze the specific character of the so-called Islamic State. For the purposes of the study it is based on two assumptions. Firstly, the rise of the so-called Islamic State was determined by a number of regional and international conditions, in particular the destabilization of the Middle Eastern order, the events of the Arab Spring, operations of the United States in the region, globalization processes, and technological development. Secondly, the specific nature of the so-called Islamic State, reflected in the use of violence and intimidation, noncompliance with the principles of international law, and challenging the international order exclude the possibility of the entity in question being considered as a person of international law. To begin, with view to attain the research objective stated above and under consideration of the research hypotheses adopted herein, this paper examines the root causes behind the rise of the so-called Islamic State at the regional and international level. Subsequently, it defines the specific nature of the entity in question, taking into account its territory, internal structure, principles of operation, and personality.

  • The influence of the salafi movement on the political transformation of Egypt in 2011–2013

    Author: Antonii Palamar
    E-mail: Tarlandash@gmail.com
    Institution: National University of “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy”
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4927-8241.
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 144-159
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020411
    PDF: rop/14/rop1411.pdf

    Until 2011, Salafimovement held itself aloof from politics. However, Arab Spring resulted in an opportunity to create their own political parties. Egyptian Salafists were the first to follow this path after the fall of the Hosni Mubarak regime. The emergence of these parties proved to be beneficial for the development of Arab democracy. By their convictions, the Salafists are extremely conservative and more radical than the Muslim Brotherhood. Despite its conservatism, the political force used peaceful means to fight for change, attracted a significant part of Arab society to participate in legal politics, and also added diversity to the spectrum of Islamist parties, preventing any one force from claiming that it represented the entire Muslim community. But soon the rise in popularity of jihadist organizations, which call to fight for the implementation of Islamist ideas not by legal political, but by violent methods, undermined the influence of Salafiparties. In addition, discrediting of the Salafimovement was largely influenced by Saudi policy, the main purpose of which was to counter the Muslim Brotherhood inside Egypt. As a result, most of the ultra-conservative forces became Wahhabi, which led to discord within the Egyptian Salafists. The one part of the movement, which continued to support the Brothers, suffered a political defeat with them after the 2013 military coup. The other part, which sided with the military elite, as a result of these actions completely lost support among the population. This article analyzes the process of the Salafimovement entering the political arena in Egypt, the dynamics of its relations with the Muslim Brotherhood and the ideological differences between them. The article also examines the influence of Saudi Arabia on Egyptian Salafism and explains the main differences between Salafism and Wahhabism in the context of this influence.

  • From Economic to Geopolitical Policy: The Middle East on the Silk Road

    Author: Yousif Khalaf
    E-mail: n.yousif.khalaf@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Warsaw
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4877-805X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 85-103
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20212805
    PDF: npw/28/npw2805.pdf

    From Economic to Geopolitical Policy: The Middle East on the Silk Road

    The article aims to present and evaluate the activities and politics of the People’s Republic of China in the Middle East, and to define its objectives through the Silk Project. It will provide an overview of the most important changes in the Chinese foreign and political policy, and the importance of the Middle East, particularly the Silk Road to China, and it will try to answer the following questions: How important is the Middle East for the Silk Road? Will the Chinese project bring stability to the region in light of the fierce competition between the great powers? The article adopted the hypothesis that China’s involvement in the Middle East will deepen the conflict between the countries of the region among themselves, and thus become a fertile ground for international conflicts to the international conflict.

  • Federalne państwo irackie rozwiązaniem problemów etnicznych i wyznaniowych na przykładzie Kurdystanu

    Author: Amin Zangana
    E-mail: amin.rahim@interia.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7487-4737
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 27-42
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2021102
    PDF: so/19/so1902.pdf

    The Federal State of Iraq as a Solution to the Ethnic and Denominational Problems on the Example of Kurdistan

    Federalism is one of many political solutions to the situation in the Iraqi state. The reason is that it was a political solution most frequently used in the world. It was applied mainly in multicultural countries. The complex political and administrative situation compels to look for a political compromise that will find justification and legal basis in the constitution of a given country. The federal system appears to be the compromise. Meanwhile, the Russian model can be used as an example for Iraqi Kurdistan, particularly in the case of Dagestan. In the early twentieth century, the newly established Iraqi state incorporated a part of the Kurdish region, while at the same time there were plans to create the Kurdish state. The difficulties would not let up. Problems related to nationality were becoming more acute. The second phase of the Iraqi problem arose after the collapse of Saddam Hussein’s regime. A diversified country was beginning to face a problem not only on national, but also religious grounds. The Russian model, predominantly exemplified by Dagestan, could prove successful in Iraq. Both ethnic and religious similarities speak for it.

  • Potencjał nuklearny Iranu i możliwe konsekwencje polityczne dla Bliskiego Wschodu

    Author: Kamila Rezmer-Płotka
    E-mail: kamila.rezmer@onet.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1458-5076
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 43-56
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2021103
    PDF: so/19/so1903.pdf

    Iran’s Nuclear Potential and Its Political Implications for the Middle-East

    Among many threats of the contemporary world, nuclear weapons should certainly be mentioned. While governments are aware of the disastrous consequences of their use, efforts are still being made to develop nuclear potential. The US withdrawal from the nuclear agreement has prompted Iran to step up its research and development efforts and increase its stockpile of nuclear fuel. To consider possible political consequences of Iran’s expansion of nuclear arsenal, the most significant developments in Iranian history relating to nuclear weapons have been followed. The article focuses solely on the most significant possible political consequences. Conclusion: two extreme scenarios seem most likely: nuclear weapons would provide stability and peace in the region and provide a counterbalance to the US and the negotiating field. A psychological and rational mechanism of the MAD concept would work, or on the contrary, the US concerns about Iran’s dominance in the region and pressure on others to buy weapons would realize.

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