minister

  • Odpowiedzialność polityczna ministrów – konieczność czy polityczne awanturnictwo?

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: asia.juchniewicz@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 39-52
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.05.03
    PDF: ppk/33/ppk3303.pdf

    Instytucja indywidualnego wotum nieufności jest elementem przyjętego w Konstytucji z 1997 r. zracjonalizowanego systemu parlamentarno-gabinetowego. Jej znaczenie wiąże się z możliwością kontrolowania członków rządu, a nawet doprowadzenia do usunięcia z gabinetu ministra (lub innego członka Rady Ministrów), którego działalność została negatywnie oceniona. W świetle obowiązujących regulacji konstytucyjnych winna to być instytucja wykorzystywana w szczególnych okolicznościach, wkracza bowiem w uprawnienia prezesa Rady Ministrów do kształtowania osobowego składu gabinetu. Praktyka polityczna pokazuje, jednak że jest to instytucja często wykorzystywana w rozgrywkach politycznych, zmierzająca do destabilizacji prac rządu.

  • Odpowiedzialność członków Rządu Federalnego w Belgii

    Author: Krzysztof Prokop
    E-mail: kprokop@pwsip.edu.pl
    Institution: Państwowa Wyższa Szkoła Informatyki i Przedsiębiorczości w Łomży
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 39-56
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.02.02
    PDF: ppk/42/ppk4202.pdf

    The article is devoted to the responsibility of members of the Federal Government in Belgium. The main part of the study concerns the mechanisms of political responsibility. They include individual responsibility of ministers and collective responsibility of the cabinet. According to the original version of the Belgian Constitution of 1831 ministers were responsible to the king. Currently, the House of Representatives is authorized to enforce the individual responsibility of the minister by passing a vote of no confidence. In such situation the king is obliged to dismiss the minister. The entire cabinet may be the addressee of the motion of no confidence, too (collective responsibility). Since 1993 there has been the possibility of overthrowing the government through a constructive vote of no confidence. The article also discusses the problem of legal responsibility of ministers.

  • Indywidualna odpowiedzialność polityczna ministra w praktyce ustrojowej na gruncie Konstytucji RP z 2 kwietnia 1997 r.

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 97-119
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.02.06
    PDF: ppk/42/ppk4206.pdf

    According to the Constitution of Poland from 2nd April 1997, a cabinet minister is political responsible for the political direction of his office to the Sejm and to the Prime Minister. The main goal of this paper is to show, that in practice, the political responsibility of the ministers before the Sejm is illusory. The majority of the vote required to adopt a motion of no confidence is so high that its vote is only possible in exceptional circumstances. Since 1997, no motion of no confidence have been successful, so the Sejm has never succeeded in enforcing the resignation of a minister. That is why, only the political responsibility of the minister before the Prime Minister has a real meaning. The head of government can lead to the dismissal of each minister at any time. When deciding to file an application to dismiss a minister, the Prime Minister must take into account only whether such a decision does not endanger the political support of the majority of the Sejm.

  • Kilka uwag na temat warunków formalnych wniosku o wyrażenie wotum nieufności ministrowi

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@ gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 161-185
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.10
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4510.pdf

    W świetle Konstytucji RP z 2 kwietnia 1997 r., minister ponosi indywidualną odpowiedzialność polityczną przed Sejmem oraz przed Prezesem Rady Ministrów. Sejm posiada prawo do doprowadzenia do dymisji każdego ministra poprzez uchwalenie wotum nieufności. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie warunków formalnych wniosku o wyrażenie indywidualnego wotum nieufności oraz odpowiedź na pytania: jakie są przyczyny składania tego typu wniosków oraz kiedy posłowie mają prawo zażądać dymisji ministra. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki analizy wniosków o wyrażenie wotum nieufności ministrom z lat 1997–2015.

  • Pozycja ustrojowa ministra w wybranych państwach europejskich

    Author: Marcin Dacewicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie - Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 291-304
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.2-3.14
    PDF: ppk/02-03/ppk2-314.pdf

    The issue of the government in the political systems of the world is the subject of constitutionalists research for several decades. The essential factor which influences the evaluation of the political situation of the executive authority is the standpoint of the minister relations both inside the government and with other authorities. An additional differentiating feature is the separation of regime models developed in political evolution in science (but also in practice). These systems having common roots in the parliamentary system are characterized by several common elements (eg the principle of separation of powers). Each of them has developed a distinct approach to the constitutional position of the minister, which comprises the above – mentioned relationships. This text also goes to the best practices developed by (recognized in the doctrine as a model based on the unity of power) Swiss constitutional practice. In order to reach a horizon view of the minister situation it is necessary to analyze the elements specifically affecting this situation. The relationships within the executive authority should be regarded as fundamental. Here belong a way of shaping the composition of government, accountability to the Prime Minister (Chancellor), the determination of the scope of the minister competence and the minister responsibility (political and constitutional) in the context of relations with the legislature. Relationship between executive authority and legislature are the primary factors shaping the regime of the country (of course on the functional level). The importance of the political system of the country is obvious to anyone who is familiar with such concept as democracy, freedom or res publica.

  • Prawnoustrojowy status ministra w projektach Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej wniesionych do Komisji Konstytucyjnej Zgromadzenia Narodowego

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 213-232
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.03.10
    PDF: ppk/19/ppk1910.pdf

    The first stage of work over the Constitution of the Republic of Poland passed on 2 April, 1997, was introducing the Constitution Projects according to procedure regulated in Constitution-Preparing Law of 1992. In result, there were 8 Constitional Projects, introduced by the President of the Republic of Poland, members of National Assembly and group of citizens. In those projects were many proposals of legal regulations concerning the government and the model of executive power. However the legal regulations included in those projects concerning appointing of ministers, their competences and form of individual ministerial responsibility as well as cabinet collective responsibility were similar. Most of the regulations concerning ministers included in those projects were not different from the rules of the Small Constitution of 1992, although some changes were introduced. The main issues were the way of government work and the way to determine the competences of ministers. Those projects were used in further works of Constitutional Commission and were the foundation for the process of forming the final Constitution regulations placing the minister in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland passed on 2 April, 1997.

  • Indywidualna odpowiedzialność parlamentarna członków rządu na gruncie Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

    Author: Bartłomiej Opaliński
    Institution: Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 97-118
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.04.05
    PDF: ppk/08/ppk805.pdf

    In the article there is presented the issue of the individual parliamentary responsibility of members of the government in Polish Constitution from 2 nd April 1997. After a few historical remarks there was established the circle of entities which the title issues concerned. Next there was analyzed the mode of passing a motion of censure against the members of the government, highlighting its differences from the procedure motion of censure against Council of Ministers. As a side issue of discussion there was explained the resignation of member of the government, place at the disposal of the Prime Minister and the appeal on his initiative. In the course of the argument there was explained that the president has the absolute obligation to satisfy the request of Prime Minister concerning the dismissal of a member of government. To sum up the considerations there was established that the institution of the individual parliamentary responsibility of members of the government is well-form blended in the polish model of parliamentary government.

  • The impact of the strengthening of the Hungarian Prime Minister’s power on the organizational background (1989–2018)

    Author: Ildikó Szinay
    E-mail: ildikoszinay@gmail.com
    Institution: The Doctoral School of Public Administation Sciences of the National University of Public Service and the Head of the Secretariat at the Ministry of Human Capacities
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1793-7946
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 361-376
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.06.29
    PDF: ppk/46/ppk4629.pdf

    The Prime Minister’s Office is generally the top institution for the Head of Government, and the tool for the implementation of its strategy (whether secretarial or general government). The place, responsibilities and weight of the government differ from country to country. The author seeks to determine the extent to which the function of the Office has changed in Hungary per legislative period, or whether the changed office function can be defined by the previous established set of rules, or perhaps a new addition is required to the existing theoretical bases. With only touching on the times prior the change of regime, the author examines the Prime Minister’s background institution from the first democratic Prime Minister to the currently governing Prime Minister

  • The Rights and Duties of a Minister – Member of the Council of Ministers

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: joanna.juchniewicz@uwm.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 59-69
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.04
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5104.pdf

    The Constitution provides the possibility of appointing the ministers in two categories – ministers in charge of the government administration department and ministers per- forming tasks assigned by the President of the Council of Ministers. The conditions for holding the office define the rights and duties of a minister. While analyzing them, it is necessary to highlight those resulting from the fact that ministers are members of the collective executive body as well as those related to the exercise of office. The status of “departmental” ministers and that of ministers without portfolio are equivalent with- in the cabinet. The Act on the Council of Ministers does not define separate rights, does not impose separate obligations resulting from membership in the Council of Ministers, and the obligations toward the Sejm and its bodies remain the same.

  • Kilka uwag na temat rekonstrukcji rządu w Polsce

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7010-134X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 335-346
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.21
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6221.pdf

    Some remarks about the Cabinet reconstrucion in Poland

    The article provides the analysis of the current regulations about changing the organisation and composition of the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) in Poland. In light of the Constitution of Poland of 1997, the Prime Minister is responsible for the composition and overall organisation of the Cabinet and the allocation of functions between ministers according to the Branches of Government Administration Bill. In addition, the head of government has a certain margin of discretion in delivering the Cabinet reconstructions and the Machinery of Government changes. The Sejm plays a small role in this matter, however the consent of the parliament is necessary to change the Branches of Government Administration Bill.

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