myśl polityczna

  • Myśl polityczna polskiego konspiracyjnego ruchu narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej

    Author: mgr Piotr Kurzawa
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 324-354
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201716
    PDF: siip/16/siip1616.pdf

    Political thought of polish underground national movement during World War II

    Nationalists were one of the numerous Polish political movements during World War II. Actively engaging in the fight against the occupying forces, they suffered heavy losses, but does not prevent them in the creation of significant heritage in the field of political thought. The aim of the article is to present the political thought of Polish national movement during the Second World War. Historical, qualitative and comparative methods were used. The whole has been divided into several parts,, in which author examines the with issues of political thought as: Polish war aims, vision of state borders, ratio to national minorities, vision of the political system, economic vision, vision of national security, education and upbringing. The whole article has to show how rich the heritage of those generations.

  • Myśl polityczna twórców konstytucji V Republiki Francuskiej

    Author: Jarosław Szymanek
    E-mail: jaroslawszymanek@o2.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 53-95
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.03.03
    PDF: ppk/37/ppk3703.pdf

    The article presents the background of the ideological formation of the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic. The starting point is the assumption that the state reform made in 1958 had its origin in the crisis internally and in the international environment of France. The internal crisis was associated with political instability, and above all very strong position of Parliament and the chaotic party system. The external environment, in turn, is the collapse of the international role of France and the problems of decolonization, particularly in Algeria. The article presents the political thought of traditionally perceived as the creators of the Constitution 1958. These include André Tardieu, Raymond Carré de Malberg, Rene Capitanta, Michel Debré and Charles de Gaulle. Article proves that they did not have identical ideas that sometimes their views have evolved. Ultimately, however, they contributed to a coherent political thought, which began gaullism, and in the sense of the political system laid the foundation for the constitution of the Fifth Republic. Keywords for this political thought are the rear of the political system in the background values, among which is crucial idea of a strong state; recognition of the necessity to balance the authorities; visibility of the role of the president is perceived, like the military, as chef of state.

  • Ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w okresie pierwszych miesięcy „karnawału Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980)

    Author: Tomasz Sikorski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99–136
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.54.06
    PDF: apsp/54/apsp5406.pdf

    W prezentowanym artykule omówiona została ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w pierwszych miesiącach tzw. „festiwalu Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980). Przedstawiono podstawowe założenia ideologii i programu ruchu katolików postępowych w okresie, gdy kierował nim nieprzerwanie do zakończenia II wojny światowej Bolesław Piasecki, i ich rewizję po jego śmierci. Skoncentrowano się zwłaszcza na lansowanych przez stowarzyszenie koncepcjach „socjalizmu całego narodu”, samorządności, demokratyzacji, poszerzenia „bazy rządzenia”, wypracowania płaszczyzn do porozumienia narodowego (od Ruchu Porozumienia Narodowego do Wielkiej Koalicji). Analizie poddano również relacje pomiędzy PAX a niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi (NSZZ „Solidarność) oraz aparatem partyjno-rządowym. W programie PAX „Solidarność” nie była typowym związkiem zawodowym, ale społecznym (ogólnonarodowym) ruchem rewindykacji praw obywatelskich, dlatego przewidywano, że powinien on uczestniczyć jako podmiot w podejmowaniu decyzji państwowych, tworząc nową „oś pionową” struktur państwowych. W okresie „festiwali Solidarności” z niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi związało się wielu członków PAX. Stowarzyszenie włączyło się czynnie w pomoc przy zakładaniu struktur związkowych.

  • Theoretical and Methodological Considerations on Raison d’État

    Author: Joanna Sanecka-Tyczyńska
    Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 51–63
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.04
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4804.pdf

    The concept of raison d’état (reason of state) is very popular in Poland, and it will apparently remain relevant as long as the Polish state exists. The idea is commonly used in official statements by politicians, political journalism, and in various government documents. Raison d’état is an ambiguous concept, which results from simplified and often popular opinions on what is and what is not the raison d’état. Conceptual chaos, intuitive judgments and notions appear to be the reason why political scientists are discouraged from systematized and in-depth studies on this political category. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part discusses definitions of raison d’état and the accompanying problems. The second one deals with the theoretical aspect covering the subjective, objective, temporal and spatial scopes of the concept. Two new definitions of raison d’état were mentioned which diminish the importance of the nation-state at the expense of international organizations. The third part presents methodological approaches in studies on raison d’état understood in two ways: as a system of vital interests of the state and as a category of political thought.

  • Nurty myśli politycznego marginesu. Sprzeczności i niedopowiedzenia

    Author: Paweł Malendowicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-26
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201601
    PDF: siip/15/siip1501.pdf

    The insignificant trends of political thought. Contradictions and understatements

    The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Slavophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.

  • REFLEKSJE NA TEMAT NARODU I PAŃSTWA W POLSKIEJ MYŚLI POLITYCZNEJ

    Author: SEBASTIAN PACZOS
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 63-89
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140203
    PDF: hso/7/hso703.pdf

  • Kazimierz Dagnan: polski narodowy socjalista

    Author: Jarosław Tomasiewicz
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89-111
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2018.05
    PDF: pbs/6/pbs605.pdf

    Kazimierz Dagnan (1891-1986) was an extraordinary, but practically forgotten today, figure. The activist of the independence conspiracy before the World War I, and the Piłsudski’s legionnaire had an almost archetypal biography for a generation of fighters for independence. In independent Poland, he found himself in the government administration, but he did not limit himself to an administrative career. He followed his own path, faithful to your ideals connecting the cause of Polish independence with the idea of the emancipation of the working class. He was active on the pro-Piłsudski wing of the National Workers’ Party (NWP), and after the coup d’etat in 1926 he became involved in the splinter pro-regime NWP-Leftgroup. He was an ideologist of the national workers’ movement, stubbornly trying to radicalize him. Making a synthesis of nationalism, democracy and reformist socialism, he created the original Polish national-socialist ideology. This ideology assumed the construction of a „People’s Poland of Labour” as a democratic state in which grassroots socialization of the means of production and exchange would gradually proceed. The priority for Dagnan still was the sovereignty of the Polish state and the primacy of the Polish (ethnic) nation in this state. The political expression of this ideology was the Party of National Socialists created in 1933, which, however, did not succeed and vegetated on the margins of political life. During World War II, Dagnan returned to his native Nowy Sącz. In People’s Poland, he began a second life there - as an artist and social activist valued in the local community.

  • „Rzeczpospolita menadżerów” czy „prymitywny tayloryzm”? Koncepcje ekonomiczne Aleksandra Bocheńskiego w latach osiemdziesiątych

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 157-183
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2018.08
    PDF: pbs/6/pbs608.pdf

    An important element of Aleksander Bocheński’s political reflection was the analysis of economic phenomena. It was also always intertwined with the geopolitical reflection retained in the mainstream of political realism, which was the key to his concept. Bocheński affirmed the People’s Poland as a form of Polish statehood not only in the international but also in the economic aspect. He postwar than pre-war economic achievements, seeing the Second Republic primarily through the prism of the economic crisis and the weakness of industry. Over time, he became an honest supporter of the command and distribution system, raising the importance of labor discipline and high production rates. The emergence of Solidarity, martial law and the policy of Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski’s team considered not only in terms of the threat of Soviet intervention and internal destabilization, but also the economic crisis. He wanted a deep reform of the economic system, which nevertheless did not violate the general principle of economic control by the state. In place of the „dictatorship of bureaucrats,” he proposed the „dictatorship of managers”, combined with an appropriate system of incentive motivators. This led to his criticism of the idea of introducing competition mechanisms into the PRL economy. Treating the economic system as a great conglomerate, which every employee should feel obliged to work efficiently and reliably in the name of higher goals, he seemed to create a Polish variant of Taylorism. On the other hand, despite the large anachronism of his reflection, he appreciated the importance of computerization and economic relief for private entrepreneurs. In the turn of 1989, he referred with reserve to the actions of Deputy Prime Minister Balcerowicz, raising the social costs of shock therapy and its negative effects on Polish industry. At the end of his life, he was much better at assessing the economic policies of communists than the governments of the Third Polish Republic. He did not believe in the „invisible hand of the market”, but in the decisive role of adequately managed capital, that is, an efficient state apparatus. The pre-war and post-war advocate of etatism also remained faithful to the belief that the international position of the state determined to a decisive extent its economic potential.

  • Polska „wobec Rosji” w 1941 r. Nieznany memoriał Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego jako attaché prasowego ambasady polskiej w Związku Sowieckim

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5360-464X
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 207-240
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2019.08
    PDF: pbs/7/pbs708.pdf

    Poland „towards Russia” in 1941. Unknown memorial of Ksawery Pruszyński as a press attaché of the Polish embassy in the Soviet Union)

    Ksawery Pruszyński, one of the most talented Polish writers and publicists of the first half of the 20th century, underwent significant political evolution in his short life. His first articles unequivocally testified that he was an anti-communist, fiercely fighting all sympathy for Soviet policy, and at the same time an apologist of Józef Piłsudski and a spokesman for the Promethean concept. Pruszyński, a conservative, having respect for the Polish traditions of this movement, but seeking his new formula adequate to the requirements of modern times, and a spokesman for „superpower Poland” was at the same time a socially sensitive creator and reluctant to any dictatorship. This quarreled with his colleagues from the editorial staff of „Youth Rebellion” and led to the ranks of cautious apologists of the republican side fighting in the Spanish Civil War. However, he formulated the concept of the Polish-Soviet alliance against Germany, for which the price could be Polish eastern lands, and the prize - German eastern lands, only after the outbreak of the German-Soviet war. In 1941–1942 Pruszyński was a press attaché at the Polish embassy of the USSR. At that time he prepared the presented memorial, probably directed at the hands of Prime Minister General Sikorski, in which he wrote about the need to recognize the importance of the Russian factor in Polish politics. The text anticipated the article Towards Russia, published in 1942, in which the author has already ambiguously suggested the necessity of the assignment of Polish eastern territories in the name of correct relations. This caused a wave of criticism of the publicist, but he was more and more consistent in his views. This led him to return to Poland in 1945 and to accept the post-Yalta reality. He was not an ardent admirer, but he considered her the result of geopolitical realities. This, too, seems to have been the main reason for changing his views on the Soviet Union and communism – adopting hard policy rules as unchanging, perhaps colored by some social spell on Marxist radicalism. At the end of his life, Pruszyński held diplomatic functions. He died tragically in 1950 in a car accident, leaving unfinished texts and questions about the further fate of his views in the changing post-war conditions.

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