odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna

  • The Scope of the Head of State’s Liability Based on the Example of the Principality of Liechtenstein and the Principality of Monaco

    Author: Paweł Kubacki
    E-mail: coletti1899@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Lodz
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 127-139
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.08
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4008.pdf

    The subject of this article is the character and meaning of the head of state’s liability. The author notices that this institution is an important factor that determines the systemic and legal position of the supreme body in the country, and adopting different solutions in this matter may make the position of heads of state significantly different, even if they seem to have a similar character. This relation has been shown on the example of regulations of liability of the heads of state in Monaco and Liechtenstein. In both countries, there is an almost identical manner of appointing to the office of a head of state and the scope of their authorities. However, the matter of liability has been regulated in a completely different way in these two countries.

  • The State Tribunal as a Special Organization Adjudicating on the Consitutional Responsibility of the President

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    E-mail: chatazawsia@wp.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszów
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 219-233
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.14
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4014.pdf

    The creation of a special body whose sole purpose is to rule on violations of the constitution or statutes by senior state officials, including the president, is relatively rare. Only Greece and Poland have implemented such a solution and until recently also the French law provided such a possibility but the amendment of the Constitution in 2007 changed the legislation within that scope. The subject of the study is the analysis of Polish regulations concerning the State Tribunal in the context when the National Assembly adopts a resolution to put the President in charge of committing a constitutional delinquency.

  • Racjonalizacja polskich instytucji politycznych przy zastosowaniu rozwiązań ustrojowych państw współczesnych

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    E-mail: drgrabowski@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-21
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.01
    PDF: ppk/39/ppk3901.pdf

    The article is an attempt to identify the constitutional authorities of Poland, whose functioning can be improved through the application of solutions operating in other countries. The change in the way the Senate is elected is seen as an opportunity to improve the quality of the statutes passed in Poland. The appointment of the vice president is to improve the functioning of the office of the President of the Republic and to make him independent of the parliament. Entrusting the constitutional review of the law to the Supreme Court can contribute to the depoliticization of this process. A similar effect can be attained in the case of constitutional responsibility, provided that its common courts are enforced.

  • Sejm jako organ właściwy do pociągnięcia Naczelnego Dowódcy Sił Zbrojnych do odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej przed Trybunałem Stanu

    Author: Agnieszka Gajda
    E-mail: agnieszka.gajda@ug.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 167-181
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.10
    PDF: ppk/39/ppk3910.pdf

    The control function of the Sejm does not imply that it has the power to directly control the armed forces. Control powers may be exercised only against certain civilian authorities authorized to control and direct the armed forces, such as the Council of Ministers or the Minister of National Defense. It is the responsibility of the government to ensure the external security of state and the general direction of defense in the country. The Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces is appointed and dismissed by the President of the Republic of Poland at the request of the President of the Council of Ministers, only during the time of war. He is subordinated to the President of the Republic of Poland. That implies the existence of subordinated position between those authorities. Therefore, the Author of this paper is wondering whether the right to indictment against of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces to constitutional charges to the Tribunal of State shall be within competences of Sejm. Such competence of the Sejm may be interpreted as a mechanism for assessment of the activity of the President himself, which in the light of the constitutional principles of division of powers is not allowed.

  • O odpowiedzialności Marszałka Sejmu – przyczynek do dyskusji

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: asia.juchniewicz@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 107-121
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.07
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4507.pdf

    Marszałek Sejmu ma szczególną pozycję ustrojową. Wynika ona z faktu, że jest kierowniczym organem Sejmu, posiadającym szereg kompetencji wykraczających poza zakres funkcjonowania organu przedstawicielskiego. Ponadto Marszałek w określonych ustawą konstytucyjną przypadkach wykonuje obowiązki Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Kompetencje Marszałka zostały określone bardzo szeroko, jednak w ślad za tym nie został on objęty reżimem odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej. Brak mechanizmów egzekwowania odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej Marszałka Sejmu pozostaje w pewnej sprzeczności z zasadami demokratycznego państwa prawnego, zakładającymi odpowiedzialność władzy.

  • Odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna prezydenta Ukrainy

    Author: Marcin Gołębiowski
    E-mail: golebiowski.marcin@o2.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 205-224
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.04.12
    PDF: ppk/44/ppk4412.pdf

    Tematyka artykułu oscyluje wokół zagadnień związanych z zasadami ponoszenia odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej przez prezydenta Ukrainy. Na gruncie prawa ukraińskiego zakres odpowiedzialności wyznacza prawno-ustrojową pozycję prezydenta Ukrainy, który na podstawie przepisów Konstytucji z 26 czerwca 1996 r. może być złożony z urzędu w trybie procedury impeachmentu. W artykule przeprowadzono analizę stanowisk doktryny prawniczej dotyczących zakresu pojęciowego „odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej prezydenta Ukrainy” oraz dokonano próby zdefiniowania odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej prezydenta Ukrainy w świetle postanowień Konstytucji Ukrainy oraz wykładni legalnej dokonanej przez Sąd Konstytucyjny Ukrainy. W artykule przedstawiono również poszczególne etapy procedury mającej na celu złożenie głowy państwa z urzędu, wskazano organy uprawnione do wszczęcia i przeprowadzenia postępowania oraz podjęcia decyzji o odsunięciu z zajmowanego stanowiska prezydenta. Podjęto także próbę analizy skutków prawnych niekonstytucyjnego zwolnienia urzędu głowy państwa przez Wiktora Janukowycza. W wyniku przeprowadzonej analizy aktów prawnych skonstruowano wnioski de lege ferenda odnoszące się do kręgu podmiotów uprawnionych do inicjowania i przeprowadzania procedury impeachmentu.

  • Prezydent w parlamentarnym systemie rządów Republiki Bułgarii. Geneza – pozycja ustrojowa – odpowiedzialność konstytucyjna

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 119-130
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.08
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1808.pdf

    The text is an analysis of the Bulgarian legal regulations concerning the constitutional responsibility of the President. President of Bulgaria for committing a constitutional delict is responsible before the Constitutional Court. The proposal in this regard may submit a group of parliamentarians and parliament puts indictment. If the Constitutional Court decides the merits of allegations made in the indictment, the president shall be deposited with the office.

  • Uprawnienia parlamentu Serbii w zakresie odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej prezydenta

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 151-164
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2013.04.07
    PDF: ppk/16/ppk1607.pdf

    The topic of this article is the constitutional responsibility of the President of Serbia and the powers of the parliament and the Constitutional Court in this regard. The procedures governing the President for pulling constitutional responsibility begins with the submission of the proposal in Parliament on the indictment of President of having committed a constitutional delict and carrying preliminary proceedings by the committee and adoption by Parliament of a resolution on the adoption or rejection of the application. When determining and adjudicating authority is the Parliament, a group of deputies initiated the proceedings. Then the major procedure is carried out and shall be tested the charges against President. In addition, the committed by the President of the constitutional delict is required the Constitutional Court decision. At the end of voting takes place on the submission of the President from office because of committing a constitutional delict and order early elections for President. The decision is made by a resolution of Parliament.

  • Trybunał Stanu w polskim porządku ustrojowym. Zagadnienia wybrane

    Author: Bartłomiej Opaliński
    Institution: Akademia L. Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 111-130
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.02.06
    PDF: ppk/06/ppk606.pdf

    The article concentrates on issues of the State Tribunal in contemporary political order of the Republic of Poland. In the beginning there was explained the place of the State Tribunal in the system of separated powers. Next, applying the legal-historical method there was reconstructed its model in Polish political regulations, starting from the Constitution on 17 March 1921. Hereinafter there was made analysis of the contemporary position and competence of that State Tribunal and who can be the subject to his cognition. There was distinguished a constitutional and disciplinary responsibility, clarifying the being and premises for each of them. On the basis of made arrangements there was taken an attempt of evaluation of the contemporary constitutional regulation, formulating appropriate conclusions de lege ferenda.

  • Komisyjna faza prac nad wnioskiem o pociągnięcie do odpowiedzialności konstytucyjnej

    Author: Robert Kropiwnicki
    E-mail: robert@robert- kropiwnicki.pl
    Institution: Sejm RP
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6886-1101
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 145-162
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.04.08
    PDF: ppk/50/ppk5008.pdf

    The article is concerned with the commission phase of works on the motion for consti- tutional liability which is initiated by the Marshall of Sejm handing over the preliminary motion to the Constitutional Liability Commission, and finished with Sejm or the National Assembly debating its summary. The task of the Commission is to debate the pre- liminary motion, gather evidence, interrogate witnesses and submit the summary of its work. The Commission is obliged to recommend prosecutors that shall represent Sejm before the State Tribunal.

  • Wyjątki od zasady dyskontynuacji prac polskiego parlamentu

    Author: Mateusz Radajewski
    E-mail: mradajewski@swps.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Humanistycznospołeczny
    ORCID: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.10000-0002-7547-9197
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 155-170
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.08
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5408.pdf

    The subject of the study is the exception to the principle of discontinuation of works of the Polish parliament issue. The initial point of reference for further discussion is the state ment that the principle despite its benefits has also disadvantages which justify admis- sibility to formulate exceptions thereto. Then the author indicates its legal nature which has an effect on possible determination thereof. The exceptions to the discontinuation rule in legislation and parliamentary regulations were further analysed. Analyses car- ried out have led to the conclusion that the discontinuation of works of the Polish par- liament has the nature of the constitutional principle and exceptions thereto may be es- tablished only by an express decision of the legislator.

  • „Ci nawet sami, którzy stróżami praw są postanowieni, najpierwszymi zachowaczami onych być powinni” . O praworządności w debacie i dziele reformatorskim Sejmu Wielkiego (1788–1792)

    Author: Anna Tarnowska
    E-mail: atarn@law.umk.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9058-0672
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 47-62
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.03.03
    PDF: ppk/61/ppk6103.pdf

    „Even the same Ones, who are Established to be Protectors of Law, they Ought to be Their First Preservers”. On the Rule of Law in the Debate and Reform work of Polish Great Sejm (1788–1792)

    Although the theoretical assumptions of the concept of the rule of law have been developed in the continental tradition only in the 19th century, its systemic elements have their roots deep in history. In this contribution, the author analyses selected examples from the field of legislation and legal culture of the Great Sejm era (1788–1792). She focuses in particular on the problems of articulation and functioning of the supremacy of the constitution in the legal order and the innovative shaping of the responsibilities of key state authorities. These issues notably seem to reflect the suspension between the domestic heritage and the modernity of constitutionalism. At the same time, both cases prove that the ratio legis of these solutions was primarily of a practical, not conceptual nature.

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