ordynacja wyborcza

  • Administracja wyborcza w Polsce od 1918 do 1991 r.

    Author: Paweł Jakubowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie - Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 29-52
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.04.02
    PDF: ppk/20/ppk2002.pdf

    This article present the origins of contemporary election administration bodies and their evolution during the twentieth century in Poland. The paper elaborate institutions organizing elections in the Second Republic, the Polish People’s Republic, and in the early period of the Third Republic of Poland. The key authorities at that time were the National Electoral Commission and the General Electoral Commissioner at the central level and provincial and district electoral commissions. The author have discuss the operation of the electoral authorities based on existing in those days electoral law. The article describes the tradition of election administration in Poland and simultaneously exposes the policies of individual governments to bodies, which was set up to guard the freedom and integrity of electoral procedures. Without a shadow of a doubt, the experience accumulated in the years 1918–1991 led to the creation of one of the best functioning institutions, which is nowadays the basis of democracy in the Third Republic of Poland.

  • Inżynieria wyborcza i system wyborczy w kontekście zmian ordynacji wyborczych

    Author: Jan Filip
    Institution: Uniwersytet Masaryka
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 31-40
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.02
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk102.pdf

    The analysis includes an attempt to represent various remarks associated with the electoral engineering, based on the experience of the Republic of Czech, where brand-new electoral system was adopted in the early 90s. Constitutional engineering was used at first as an instrument of analysis determining if modifications of the former electoral system are possible and how would various revisions influence performance of particular political party’s interests. The analysis led to a conclusion that there is no universal patent for electoral systems. There are no guarantees that the same regulation would function in the exact same manner as it does in the Republic of Czech and in the Republic of Poland, not even mentioning other countries located in different regions or continents. It is obvious that every country requires a sovereign decision in respect to the electoral system. Therefore, proposals of so called specialists suggesting taking over regulations following the British system (relative majority), Irish system (single transferable vote formula), or German system (personalisierte Verhältniswahl) should be recected. Rejection of the above-mentioned proposals stems from the fact that a par- ticular electoral system will function differently in every country, depending on various circumstances.

  • System wyborczy w państwie wielonarodowym. Analiza przypadku Hiszpanii

    Author: Małgorzata Myśliwiec
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-126
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.09
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk109.pdf

    Multinationalism is one of the most important features of the Spanish state. After General Franco`s death in 1975 the nature of this political reality has induced the political elites to begin the process of construction of so-called regional state. The recognition of the principle of pluralism has binded members of the Spanish parliament to pass the electoral law which ensure that all territorial groups may have their representation in representative bodies in four levels of the political decision making process: European, national, regional and the local one.Thus, the main aim of this article is to present some basics of the legal solutions adopted in the Spanish electoral law, which in one hand allow to save the unitary state, but on the other hand ensure the respect of the ethnoregional minorities rights.

  • System wyborczy w Bośni i Hercegowinie - spojrzenie krytyczne

    Author: Krzysztof Krysieniel
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Bankowa w Poznaniu
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 166-176
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.13
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk113.pdf

    The electoral law in Bosnia and Herzegovina differs significantly from commonly accepted standards operating in democratic state. During the parliamentary or presidential elections, the citizens who do not belong to one of constituent states (Bosnians, Serbs, Croats) are deprived of basic rights. The solutions established in 1995, and later only slightly modified, eventually caused the end of war but did not introduce fully democratic solutions. Even more surprising is the fact that the authors of constitutional order, including election law, are representatives of international community, mostly American lawyers. Unfortunately, in Bosnia and Herzegovina national communities, that are treated by the law as main entity of political life, are far more important than an ordinary citizen.

  • Stwierdzanie ważności wyborów parlamentarnych w myśl rozstrzygnięć Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. oraz Ordynacji wyborczej do Sejmu RP i Senatu RP z 12 kwietnia 2001 r.

    Author: Łukasz Buczkowski
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Prawa i Administracji w Rzeszowie
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 53-84
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.04.03
    PDF: ppk/04/ppk403.pdf

    Determination of the election validity is one of the most important elements in the electoral procedure, contributing significantly to legitimacy of the elected body. Institutions ensuring a fair election process, first of all, ensuring compliance of the results with the will of the sovereign. They constitute in contempo- rary times one of the key determinants of free elections, alongside democratic procedures for nominating candidates, free competition of political programs and opportunities for voters to express their will in the overt act of voting. Based on the Polish constitutional law, several of the current election verifi- cation systems have been applicable. In relation to individual elements of each model, both positive assessments and critical remarks can be formulated. The following article focuses on explaining the rules for verification of Polish parliamentary elections under the current Constitution, together with the questions relating to the applicability of certain provisions of the adopted mode of the validation procedure for the election to the Sejm and the Senate.

  • Wpływ ordynacji wyborczej i polaryzacji sceny politycznej na poziom frekwencji wyborczej

    Author: Marcin Najbar
    Institution: Akademia Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89–107
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.55.05
    PDF: apsp/55/apsp5505.pdf

    Badanie determinant frekwencji wyborczej stanowi ważny obszar zainteresowań teorii wyboru publicznego. Celem artykułu jest ocena wpływu ordynacji wyborczej i polaryzacji sceny politycznej na frekwencję wyborczą. Przedstawione badanie empiryczne obejmuje wybory do parlamentów krajowych w 51 państwach w latach 1961 – 2014. W oparciu o dane pochodzące z projektu EMP zmierzona została polaryzacja sceny politycznej. Modele regresji dla wszystkich państw oraz dla Europy Zachodniej wykazały, że system wyborczy ma wpływ na poziom frekwencji wyborczej. W obu przypadkach systemy większościowe charakteryzują się niższą frekwencją niż systemy proporcjonalne. Mocny test zawierający efekty stałe dla krajów nie wykazał wpływu polaryzacji sceny politycznej na wielkość frekwencji. Brak związku przyczynowego pomiędzy polaryzacją a frekwencją może wynikać z istnienia wielu mechanizmów współzależności tych zmiennych, które zostały opisane w teoretycznej części artykułu.

  • Changing the Model of the Polish Electoral Administration

    Author: Jacek Sobczak
    E-mail: jmwsobczak@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Economics and Humanities in Warsaw
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2231-8824
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 69-82
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.05
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5805.pdf

    The conduct of free elections depends to a large extent on the efficient functioning of electoral bodies. The doctrine distinguishes a number of models of functioning of election administration bodies. The standards of functioning of electoral bodies at the European level are defined by the standards of the Venice Commission, and in particular the Code of Good Practice in Electoral Matters. In Poland, after World War II, the adopted model of election administration did not meet democratic standards. It was only after 1990 that the State Election Commission was established as a permanent body consisting exclusively of judges of the Supreme Court, Constitutional Tribunal and Supreme Administrative Court. This concept was abandoned in an atmosphere of massive criticism of the judiciary. Although the model adopted now does not directly violate international standards, it seems to be a step backwards from the regulations existing after 1990.

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