parliament

  • The Head of State’s Constitutional Liability

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    E-mail: chatazawsia@wp.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszów (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 153-167
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017110
    PDF: ppsy/46-1/ppsy2017110.pdf

    The paper aims to introduce the concept of constitutional liability of the President, and the institutions of the President’s constitutional liability. The author presents the liability and its relations with other types of head of state’s liabilities. The presented analysis includes all European countries. 

  • Electoral System of the Republic of Belarus after 25 Years of Independence

    Author: Anna Kuleszewicz
    E-mail: ak32528@amu.edu.pl
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 618-627
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018402
    PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy2018402.pdf

    This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country’s political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.

  • The System of Government under the Small Constitution of 1919

    Author: Krzysztof Prokop
    E-mail: krzysztof.prokop@uph.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Natural Sciences and Humanities
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3447-4592
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 55-62
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.06.04
    PDF: ppk/46/ppk4604.pdf

    The subject of the article is to identify factors and conditions that determined the system of government of the IInd Republic of Poland under the Small Constitution of 1919. This act served as a temporary constitution until the March Constitution of 1921 came into force, which happened completely only at the end of 1922. Under the Small Constitution there has been made an attempt to introduce the system of supremacy of the parliament. It turned out to be impossible because of high authority of the head of state – Józef Piłsudski, who also served as the Commander-in-Chief. Therefore, the system of balance between the Legislative Sejm and the Chief of State was shaped in the political practice.

  • Does the highest authority in the state belong to the Nation? Effectiveness of the citizens’ legislative initiative

    Author: Marta Michalczuk-Wlizło
    E-mail: michalczukm@poczta.onet.pl
    Institution: The Department of Political Systems of Political Science Faculty of the Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2107-8814
    Author: Bożena Dziemidok-Olszewska
    E-mail: smugi@wp.pl
    Institution: The Department of Political Systems of Political Science Faculty of the Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2944-5073
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 219-225
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.06.18
    PDF: ppk/46/ppk4618.pdf

    The subject of the present article is the analysis of the functioning of the institution of citizens’ initiative in Poland, as well as a reference to the effectiveness of the institution in question on the example of draft acts that were voted upon by the 7th term of the Polish Sejm.

  • The position of the European Parliament on the European Union's Energy Security Policy

    Author: Artur Staszczyk
    Institution: Szczecin University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9769-8991
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 112-122
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201808
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201808.pdf

    Ensuring the energy security is currently one of the EU’s top priorities. The EU energy policy, after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, is regulated by Article 194 TFEU, which guarantees a solid legal basis for European Union actions in this area on the basis of the Community method. The European Parliament, within the scope of its Community competences, as a participant in the decision-making process, contributes to shaping the face of the EU energy policy. Furthermore, by adopting nonlegislative resolutions, the EP expresses its position on the most crucial issues included in this policy and has an indirect influence on its shape. The aim of this article is the analysis of the content of these resolutions and presentation of the EP’s opinion on the challenges facing the EU in the field of energy. It should be highlighted that the European Parliament is the EU body with a strong emphasis on a supranational approach to energy security. The European Parliament prefers the view that all Member States, in a spirit of solidarity, must take actions to guarantee the EU’s common energy security. In favour of a common, integrated European energy market, the EP puts great emphasis on the necessity to implement ambitious climate policy objectives within its framework, the key element of which is the reduction of greenhouse gas emissions.

  • The European Parliament in view of the development of the EU Security and Defence Policy after the Lisbon Treaty

    Author: Artur Staszczyk
    Institution: Szczecin University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9769-8991
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 123-136
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201809
    PDF: rop/2018/rop201809.pdf

    This article analyses the position of the European Parliament on the priorities for the development of the EU Common Security and Defence Policy. The issues covered by this policy after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty remained the domain of intergovernmental cooperation mechanisms. Despite the changes made to the Lisbon Treaty to unify the Union’s external relations by removing its pillars and expanding CSDP tasks, the role of the EP in its creation has not increased in line with its expectations. In accordance with the provisions of the TEU, decisions on the operation of the CSDP shall be adopted by the Council, acting unanimously on a proposal from the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy or from a Member State. As a result of such Treaty arrangements, the EP is unable to play such a role in the area of CSDP that would correspond to the importance of this body in the EU’s institutional system. Therefore, the main instrument for the implementation of the EP policy in the area of CSDP remain resolutions in which this body calls for the inclusion of transnational cooperation mechanisms in it. By expressing its position in resolutions, the EP advocates for the development of a strong, unified CSDP based on defined European security interests, as well as the development of a pan-European approach to the issues covered by this policy.

  • Analiza ilościowa aktywności posłów na Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z województwa podkarpackiego (2005–2019)

    Author: Karol Piękoś
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 28-40
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.65.02
    PDF: apsp/65/apsp6502.pdf

    Aktywność parlamentarna posłów jest często przedmiotem debaty publicznej, głównie z powodu transmitowania obrad, odbywających się w murach polskiego parlamentu. Do wyborców trafiają fragmenty wystąpień posłów, które przykuwają uwagę odbiorców ze względu na poruszane tematy, sposób wypowiadania się oraz emocje, jakie wywołują wśród parlamentarzystów. Uwaga mediów skupia się głównie na najbardziej znanych politykach. Trudno z tego powodu w telewizji i radiu dostrzec działalność posłów z tzw. tylnych ław, którzy wielokrotnie wykazują się większą aktywnością parlamentarną niż bardziej znani politycy.

  • Izby drugie parlamentu państw byłej Jugosławii

    Author: Magdalena Maksymiuk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kardynała Stefana Wyszyńskiego
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-19
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.66.01
    PDF: apsp/66/apsp6601.pdf

    Niniejsza praca jest prezentacją drugich izb parlamentu w krajach byłej Jugosławii, jakimi są Słowenia oraz Bośnia i Hercegowina. Jako jedyne w regionie zdecydowały się one na przyjęcie bikameralnego porządku w ramach władzy ustawodawczej. Pomimo bliskości geograficznej i wspólnej historii ustrojodawcy obu państw postanowili przyjąć znacząco inny, oryginalny kształt porównywanych do siebie ciał ustawodawczych, wyróżniających się na skalę światową. Co więcej, każda z nich została obdarzona różnymi kompetencjami, z czego wynika pozycja wobec pierwszej izby parlamentu, a także pozostałych organów władzy państwowej. Artykuł ten stanowi więc przekrój i pogłębioną charakterystykę polityczno- prawną Izby Narodów Bośni i Hercegowiny oraz Rady Państwa Słowenii, a także zawiera propozycje zmian systemowych.

  • Roman Rybarski o ustroju politycznym w latach 1918-1926

    Author: Jan Waskan
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9321-9196
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 76-88
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip201906
    PDF: cip/17/cip1706.pdf

    Roman Franciszek Rybarski (1887-1942) należał do wybitnych teoretyków i działaczy Narodowej Demokracji. Pozostawił szereg prac z zakresu ekonomii, prawa i polityki. Wśród tych ostatnich szczególne miejsce zajmują Naród, jednostka i klasa oraz Siła i prawo. Był prezesem Klubu Narodowego w Sejmie w latach 1928-1935 oraz przywódcą frakcji liberalnej zwanej grupą „starych” lub „profesorską” w Stronnictwie Narodowym. W artykule przedstawiono jego poglądy dotyczące problematyki ustrojowej. W pierwszym okresie istnienia niepodległej Rzeczypospolitej do 1922 r. Rybarski zdecydowanie opowiada się za ustrojem demokracji parlamentarnej i ideą państwa narodowego. Wybory 1922 r. i porażka w Zgromadzeniu Narodowym przy wyborze prezydenta Gabriela Narutowicza oraz tragiczne skutki jego śmierci powodują, że Rybarski, jak i inni działacze endeccy, dostrzegają że do niedawna tak bliski im parlamentaryzm staje się zgubny dla Polski. Rozpoczyna się jego krytyka, Rybarski podkreślał, że konstytucja doprowadza do krańcowości i absurdu zasadę rządów parlamentarnych. Niezadowolenie przeniosło się na wszystkie klasy i warstwy. Domagano się zmian, które stawały się koniecznością chwili.

  • Constitutional Aspects of the Government Crisis in Moldova in 2019

    Author: Artur Olechno
    E-mail: a.olechno@uwb.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Białystok
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2594-0376
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 379-387
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.28
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5728.pdf

    The purpose of this paper is to present a government crisis in Moldova that took place in 2019 from the point of view of its constitutional basis. Based on a legal dogmatic-analysis, supported with the comparative and historical methods, the paper verifies whether the blame for the situation could be placed solely on the Moldovan political fractions or on the unfortunate distribution of the voters’ preferences, or rather on the legislator who passed ill-advised laws without foreseeing the possibility of a conflict, including the emerging dual power system in Moldova at the time in question.

  • “The struggle of pamphlets” (1791) . Ukrainian diplomats in London at the end of the XVIIIth century

    Author: Oksana Zakharova
    E-mail: semendajtataana@jmail.com
    Institution: National Academy of Management of Culture and Arts
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2143-7020
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 71-82
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020305
    PDF: rop/13/rop1305.pdf

    Throughout the XVIIIth century, Anglo-Russian relations were very contentious. The Ochakov crisis of 1791 risked escalating into direct military action between Russia and England. Ambassador Count S.R. Vorontsov managed to garner the support of members of the House of Lords and the House of Commons of the English Parliament, come in contact with the Prime Minister, members of his cabinet and opposition leaders. The above mentioned allowed him to handle the possibilities of the press, publishing houses and the opposition during the Ochakov crisis of 1791 as well as influenced a public opinion in Britain. In large part, because of the active actions of S.R. Vorontsov and his office staff, it was possible to avoid an armed conflict between Russia and England. One of the closest employees of Semyon Romanovich was the son of a Ukrainian priest Yakov Ivanovich Smirnov, who was considered by many contemporaries as one of the outstanding employees of the office of the Russian Embassy. Ya. I. Smirnov was knighted of the Order of St. John under Paul I, and then the Emperor’s stunning decision took place – the priest was appointed charge d’affaires of Russia in London. V.F. Malinovskiy, the future first director of the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum, served in Vorontsov’s office. After leaving London, he worked as a secretary at the negotiations in Iași in 1792. As well as V.F. Malinovskiy, V.P. Kochubey hailed from Ukraine. The nephew of Count A.A. Bezborodko was in London from the early spring of 1789 until January of 1791. In 1793, Vorontsov gave V.P. Kochubey, who was diligently engaged in his education, a brilliant character reference. Over the course of his service, Count S.R. Vorontsov regularly defended the interests of the employees of his office; he knew how to gather individuals for his inner circle and work. In the XIXth century, there was a concept of “official of the Vorontsov school”. S.R. Vorontsov and members of his office used the methods of modern public diplomacy, which implies means used by governments, private groups and particular persons to change the views of other people and governments in order to influence their external political decisions. Public diplomacy is a tool for creating the image of the state. Appealing to public opinion, publication of government documents, use of the mass media and issuance of brochure for manifesting one’s position are methods which play a crucial role in modern public diplomacy, which originated due to Ukrainian diplomats as well.

  • A Few Remarks on the Audit Activity of the Senate of the Republic of Poland

    Author: Lech Jamróz
    E-mail: l.jamroz@uwb.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Białystok
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7409-6525
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 139-148
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.10
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5810.pdf

    In its activities, the Senate uses a number of control powers defined by statutes and regulations, although this is not directly based on the provisions of the Polish Constitution. Such a practice is justified, if one considers the nature of the Senate as a representative body and the nature of the senatorial mandate, which does not differ from the nature of the deputy mandate. The role of the Senate, also in the scope of the indicated powers of a controlling nature, may increase when a different political majority in the Senate than in the Sejm is formed. As a result of the post-election agreement in 2019, the political majority in the Senate is different from the political majority in the Sejm. This new phenomenon in the Polish political system creates the possibility of a wider use of the Senate’s “soft” control tools. The presented paper attempts to synthetically present the reasons for considering the Senate’s control powers and their impact on ensuring systemic stability.

  • Admissibility of Remote Deliberation and Voting in the Polish Parliament. The Functioning of the Sejm and Senate During the COVID-19 Pandemic

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    E-mail: rgrabowski@ur.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3362-7363
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 149-158
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.11
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5811.pdf

    The dynamic development of the COVID-19 epidemic hampered the functioning of administrative bodies, especially those consisting of many people. In 2020, many countries had to solve the problem of how to adapt their laws to the requirements of the pandemic, while maintaining the safety requirements of members of parliaments. The introduced solutions included suspending the proceedings, modifying the quorum, or changing the voting method. Few countries (including Poland) have fully used the available technologies, deciding to allow parliaments to hold and vote remotely. The conducted analysis is aimed at identifying the systemic solutions that made it possible to introduce such solutions, as well as at determining what modifications of the legal system were necessary to establish innovative solutions.

  • Systemic Transformations in Jordan in 1951-1957 - Unsuccessful Democracy

    Author: Bartosz Wróblewski
    E-mail: bwrob@o2.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4436-8221
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 511-522
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.41
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5841.pdf

    The following text discusses the first attempt to transform the authoritarian Jordan monarchy into a constitutional monarchy, in which the parliament chosen by the people was supposed, apart from the king, to serve the role of a real supervisor of the state. Such an attempt was made in 1951-1957. It ended up in a failure and, in fact, the return of the authoritarian methods of exercising the power. This failure resulted both from the specific circumstances of the contemporary Middle East, as well as certain permanent features of Arabic societies. Thus, it is important to trace back these events to show both the attempt at reforms, as well as the causes of the failure. The following text makes use first and foremost of English language resources concerning the history of Jordan. Also, the archive documents collected in the National Archives were used, especially the ones that refer to the correspondence between the authorities in London and the British embassy in Amman. To understand the issue, it will be necessary to go back beyond the year 1951 and to present in brief the very process of how the Hashemite monarchy came into existence.

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