partia polityczna

  • Executive power in the scandinavian political systems – the problem of minority cabinet in Norway (selected aspects)

    Author: Robert Radek
    E-mail: robert.radek@us.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-131
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.06.06
    PDF: ppk/34/ppk3406.pdf

    The article is devoted to the characteristics of the minority cabinet in the Scandinavian political systems and especially in Norway and its influence on political regime. Some interesting aspects has been chosen to illustrate the problem of minority government in Norway. Author explains normative and non-normative systemic factors that influenced the formation of the government cabinets without a sufficient majority in the parliament. The main thesis is that creation of minority governments is closely associated with the evolution of the party system and can be understood as a norm of political life in Scandinavia.

  • Grupy interesu w polskim systemie politycznym

    Author: Kamil Makowski
    E-mail: camey@poczta.onet.eu
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-28
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.06.01
    PDF: ppk/22/ppk2201.pdf

    There is an inextricable link between interest groups and the Polish state. Their origins can be traced back to the emergence of collective interests. As the state developed, interest groups advanced their organizational forms and secured more prominent influence on public policy. In the beginnings, interest groups played similar role as political parties. Eventually, their activities diverged and differences became apparent. The term „interest group” began to reflect an organized group of people pursuing particular interests of their members. That allowed to draw a demarcation line between political party and interest group based on the type of affairs they are engaging in, i.e. public versus particular, respectively. The importance of interest groups in democracy cannot be underestimated. It is argued that their participation in policy making improves the quality of law, as they are able to supply legislators with relevant data and analyses concerning particular social issues. However, in some instances, activities of interest groups are far from desirable in a democratic society. The most obvious threat stems from ability to corrupt government representatives vested with powers in policy making. Moreover, this particular characteristic is responsible for a negative image of different interest groups in society.

  • Status prawny i finansowanie partii politycznych w Kanadzie

    Author: Marek Chmaj
    Institution: Szkoła Wyższa Psychologii Społecznej w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 55-71
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.04
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1804.pdf

    Canada, as an Anglo-Saxon law system arose, with influences of the American legislation, it has not regulated the status of political parties on the constitutional level. Basis of the existence of political parties in Canada, is the Canadian Charter of rights and freedoms. Rules for the registration and financing of political parties in Canada was systematized in the second half of the 20th century. Currently, the activity of political parties shall be governed by the Canada Elections Act of 2004 and Financial Administration. As a general rule, political parties in Canada should be divided into registered and unregistered. In addition to a number of other rights, registered parties are entitled to special conditions of the financing of their activities. Canadian financing of political parties is the subject of discussion since the 1960s and is based on three pillars: donations from private individuals, funding from the state budget (CA. 2 Canadian dollars for each vote) and reimbursement of election campaign expenses (50% in the case of an overrun of the threshold of 2% of the vote on a national scale). It should be noted that supervision of the activities of political parties in Canada have the Chief Electoral Officer and Chairman of the Central Election Commission.

  • Prawne aspekty zwalczania korupcji politycznej

    Author: Joanna Uliasz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 143-155
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.01.07
    PDF: ppk/05/ppk507.pdf

    For years, political funding has been the subject of heated disputes and debates. The discussion on “money in politics” involves the media, lawyers and ordinary citizens as well as those who are most interested, namely the politicians themselves. The issue of transparency in financing political parties and election campaigns is subject to continuous monitoring by international organizations (UN and Council of Europe) as well as NGOs which analyze the problem of corruption in public life (Transparency International). The role of both cannot be overestimated. The paper discusses all of the above mentioned topics. Particular attention is drawn to three themes. First, the problem of how law enforcement bodies define and classify the problem of political corruption is dealt with. Second, the impact of Council of Europe recommendations on the shape of Polish law concerning the openness of political funding is discussed. Thirdly, the article covers the legal solutions adopted in Poland which concern the sources of fundraising by political parties and electoral committees, their duty to keep financial reports as well as penalties for not conforming with financial discipline rules.

  • Władza sądownicza wobec partii politycznych w Polsce – zagadnienia wybrane

    Author: Joanna Uliasz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-110
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.02.05
    PDF: ppk/06/ppk605.pdf

    The paper discusses the role of the judiciary in relation to political parties in Poland. Primarily, it deals with the statutory right of the judiciary, i.e. the right to exercise control over political parties. The Author’s major concern is to emphasize the particular role played by the Constitutional Court whose responsibility is to control whether the rule of political pluralism is complied with. Additionally, the paper discusses the responsibilities of the Supreme Court and the District Court in Warsaw (Sąd Okręgowy w Warszawie) which maintains the register of political parties. Those responsibilities are particularly important as far as the procedure to register a political party is concerned. The text also includes a large number of relevant court decisions.

  • Marka polskich partii politycznych – analiza empiryczna

    Author: Marta Żerkowska-Balas
    Institution: Uniwersytet SWPS w Warszawie
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 138-152
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.61.08
    PDF: apsp/61/apsp6108.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule analizuję polskie partie polityczne, wykorzystując podejście political branding, które pozwala opisywać i wyjaśniać różnego rodzaju wybory konsumenckie. Głównym elementem tego podejścia jest marka polityczna: zestaw doświadczeń, uczuć, obrazów, kwestii, symboli, które odzwierciedlają ogólny klimat towarzyszący poszczególnym partiom, wykorzystywany do oceniania i podejmowania decyzji, w tym decyzji wyborczej. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest pogłębienie wiedzy na temat marek polskich partii politycznych. Interesuje mnie, jak Polacy postrzegają polskie partie polityczne: jakie cechy i wartości im przypisują, jakie są ich silne i słabe strony, co wyróżnia poszczególne partie na tle innych ugrupowań? W tym celu, wykorzystując dane jakościowe, tworzę mentalne mapy skojarzeń, jakie Polacy przypisują poszczególnym partiom.

  • Minority Government and Legislative Politics in Poland, 1989–2007

    Author: Robert Radek
    Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 22-33
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.63.02
    PDF: apsp/63/apsp6302.pdf

    One of the scientifically interesting questions is explaining the functioning and effectiveness of the minority government. An analysis of Polish governments (1989–2007) finds mixed support for the importance of parliamentary procedural mechanisms. Yet an analysis of the Polish government after the collapse of communism reveals that a governing party with a central position in the party system can indeed shift alliances and maintain quite effective governance. Additionally, the evidence indicates that minority governments may also rely on alliances across parliament deputies who want prolong the term of office as long as possible. The article concentrates also on duration and legislative effectiveness of Polish minority cabinets.

  • Minority Government of Theresa May and the Case of Brexit

    Author: Robert Radek
    E-mail: robert.radek@us.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1674-6600
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 389-405
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.29
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5729.pdf

    The article is devoted to the characteristics of Theresa May minority government and its impact on foreign policy. The author concentrated on the political situation in Great Britain in the context of Brexit. Some interesting aspects have been chosen to illustrate the problem of minority government existence in Great Britain. Author explains various factors that influenced the foreign policy and negotiations with EU of the government cabinets without a sufficient majority in the parliament. The main thesis is that minority governments is not able to lead a successful foreign policy in long term and usually fails to be effective in this sphere and Brexit process is a visible example of such situation.

  • Posłowie debiutanci w Sejmie VII, VIII i IX kadencji. Przyczynek do analizy zjawiska wymiany partyjnych elit

    Author: Arkadiusz Lewandowski
    E-mail: a.lewandowski@ukw.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8161-2257
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 79-99
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202004
    PDF: siip/19/siip1904.pdf

    Debut Members of Parliament in the Sejm of 7th, 8th and 9th term. The contribution for the analysis of the phenomenon of the party circulation of elite

    Parliamentary representation of political parties is nowadays becoming an important field of activity of every grouping. Members of Parliament, following the standards of party charters, become an element of party elite, holding the official positions in collegiate organs. Personal changes in the parliament then mean changes in the party elite. The goal of the article is defining the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament in the years of 2011, 2015 and 2019. The research question which the author was faced with is the question about the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament and its consequences for the demographic structure of the Polish Sejm and the particular party representations in the parliament, defined as party elites. Detailed questions concern: the importance of parliamentary representatives in contemporary political groupings; defining whether the scale of the phenomenon in 2015 was significantly different from the election results from 2011 and 2019. The established hypotheses assume that: the important of parliamentary representation in contemporary parties is on a constant growth on the formal level and also within the political praxis, and consequently, Members of Parliament can be called party elites. Another hypothesis assumes that the phenomenon of debut MPs has stood out quantitatively in the analyzed period of time, nevertheless, it has not changed the demographic structure of the parliament dramatically, concerning the other two analyzed terms. The period of the analysis concerns the three parliamentary elections in 2011, 2015 and 2019, which allowed to pick up on the possible tendency of the phenomenon.

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