partie polityczne

  • Wybory 2015 roku w Polsce – analiza z perspektywy ewolucji systemu partyjnego

    Author: Dominik Sieklucki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 20-34
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.57.02
    PDF: apsp/57/apsp5702.pdf

    Celem artykułu jest określenie znaczenia wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych 2015 r. dla procesu ewolucji polskiego systemu partyjnego. Autor weryfikuje trzy hipotezy – pierwszą, według której wybory nie przyniosły zmian w strukturze systemu partyjnego, drugą – wybory zapoczątkowały nowy etap w tym procesie – i trzecią, wskazującą, że wybory przyniosły nowe zjawiska w procesie ewolucji, które w przypadku potwierdzenia się i ugruntowania w przyszłości mogą wprowadzić system partyjny w nowy etap. Autor stwierdza, że trzecia hipoteza w prawidłowy sposób określa znaczenie elekcji 2015 r. Analiza bazuje na metodologii nauk o polityce i prowadzona jest zarówno w wymiarze ilościowym, jak i jakościowym.

  • Tworzenie koalicji regionalnych a ewolucja systemu wielopoziomowego w opinii marszałków województw od I do V kadencji

    Author: Tatiana Majcherkiewicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. Komisji Edukacji Narodowej w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 54-77
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.57.04
    PDF: apsp/57/apsp5704.pdf

    Artykuł ten w oparciu o opinie marszałków województw rekonstruuje rolę aktorów regionalnych i centralnych przy podejmowaniu decyzji dotyczących tworzenia koalicji regionalnych w okresie od I do V kadencji. W warstwie teoretycznej analiza odwołuje się do perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego, natomiast szczególnie istotna przy opisie wzorów tworzenia koalicji regionalnych od III do V kadencji jest koncepcja koalicji przystających (congruent coalitions). W związku z trwałością utrzymywania się w regionach koalicji PO-PSL zadane zostało pytanie o korzyści istnienia na tym poziomie podobnych koalicji jak w centrum. Dwie pierwsze kadencje znacząco odbiegały od trendów utrzymujących się od chwili wyborów w 2006 r. W tym czasie politycy regionalni często podejmowali kluczowe decyzje i dopiero rozpoczynało się tworzenie systemu wielopoziomowego.

  • Finansowanie partii politycznych w Republice Estonii

    Author: Justyna Ciechanowska
    E-mail: justyna.mokrzycka@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Author: Katarzyna Szwed
    E-mail: kmszwed@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 133-150
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.04.07
    PDF: ppk/38/ppk3807.pdf

    Funding of political parties in Estonia is determined mainly by the Political Parties Act enacted in 1994. It was amended many times and the last meaningful modifications were introduced in 2014. The act assumes a diversification of the financing sources and allows parties to be financed from allocations from the state budget, donations given by a natural persons, membership fees, transactions with the property of the political parties as well as loans. It is worth mentioning that clarity and transparency principles of political parties’ funding are guaranteed by an operation of the independent supervisory body – Estonian Party Funding Supervision Committee.

  • Two British Referenda on the EU, Two Directions of Travel

    Author: Elżbieta Kużelewska
    Institution: University of Białystok
    Author: Bogusia Puchalska
    Institution: University of Central Lancashire in Preston
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 77-96
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.05
    PDF: apsp/56/apsp5605.pdf

    EEC/EU membership has been one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last 45 years. The 1975 referendum confirmed the UK’s will to stay in the EEC, but it failed to put to rest the argument over Europe. The 2016 referendum took Britain into the opposite direction, but it also reinstated the issue of the EU to the prime slot in British politics, where it is going to stay for the many years needed to settle the new relationship with the EU. The main drivers behind both referenda were the power struggle between the main parties and the gradual entrenchment of Euroscepticism as the dominating standpoint in British right-wing politics. The substantive concerns with EEC/ EU membership were merely a backdrop to the partisan battles leading to both referenda, but the crucial differentiating factor in 2016 was the Conservative perception of the threat posed by UKIP. The Eurozone crisis and austerity policies at home added to the potent mix of disillusion among the voters, who became receptive to promises of return to past glories of the UK freed from the shackles of Brussels.

  • Kluby parlamentarne w normach statutowych partii politycznych (Uwagi na tle statutów partii obecnych w Sejmie Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej VIII kadencji)

    Author: Grzegorz Koksanowicz
    E-mail: koksanowiczkancelaria@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 93-106
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.06
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4506.pdf

    Wyrażona w art. 11 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. zasada pluralizmu politycznego gwarantuje wolność tworzenia i działania partii politycznych. Zasada ta określa także cel partii, którym jest wpływanie metodami demokratycznymi na kształtowanie polityki państwa, w tym sprawowanie władzy publicznej. Partie polityczne realizują go poprzez mechanizmy parlamentarne. W praktyce oznacza to tworzenie przez członków danej partii na terenie parlamentu frakcji parlamentarnych, które stanowią łącznik pomiędzy partią polityczną a jej reprezentacją w parlamencie. Z tego powodu w statutach ugrupowań politycznych umieszczane są regulacje normujące zasady tworzenia klubów parlamentarnych. Statuty partii określają także relacje klubu z macierzystą partią oraz zawierają wytyczne odnoszące się do działań podejmowanych przez klub na terenie parlamentu. Analiza treści statutów partii politycznych, które utworzyły kluby w Sejmie RP VIII kadencji, wskazuje że każdy z nich zawiera unormowania odnoszące się do reprezentacji parlamentarnej, chociaż stopień szczegółowości przyjmowanych rozwiązań jest różny.

  • Realizacja konstytucyjnej zasady równości obywateli w koncepcjach i działalności polskich partii politycznych w latach 2011–2014

    Author: Anna Pięta-Szawara
    E-mail: annapieta_szawara@op.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 169-179
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.05.09
    PDF: ppk/21/ppk2109.pdf

    The aim of this research was to define how Polish political parties in parliament seventh term of office (date of election: 9 th October 2011) realized constitutional principle of equality of citizens. The analysis was concerned not only on declarative programme sphere but also on the area of political practice. The first part of the study was focused on platforms of particular politic parties which were announced before elections to the parliament in 2011. On the basis of those party platforms, the research showed to what degree and area political parties was revolved around women’s issues. The second part of the study provided a comparison of ideological declaration and real activities of particular political parties. There was also a verification of electoral register groups, which candidates entered the parliament taking into consideration the presence of women.

  • Kilka uwag o ustawie o partiach politycznych

    Author: Piotr Uziębło
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 309-325
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.18
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1818.pdf

    The Act of 27th June 1997 on Political Parties has its own characteristics. While the rules for the financing of these entities are regulated in detail, however, other issues are regulated relatively general in that Act. The a author draws attention to the problems that arise in this context. One of that problems is the lack of well-defined boundaries between political parties and associations, which is particularly evident in relation to groups of local character. Besides, it is also worth emphasizing that participation in elections is not, in the light of Polish law, the determinant, which could constitute such a distinction. No need for removal from the register of political parties, which are permanently not participate in the procedures for the election is the best proof. In addition, an important issue is also the inability to associate in political parties people who do not have Polish citizenship. It is extremely important in the context of electoral rights of the people, who are the EU citizens and who are living in the territory of the Republic of Poland.

  • Mandat przedstawicielski w polskiej tradycji ustrojowej i we współczesnym polskim prawie konstytucyjnym

    Author: Maciej Pisz
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 173-194
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2013.03.08
    PDF: ppk/15/ppk1508.pdf

    The purpose of this paper is to address the concept of a representative parliamentary mandate in Polish tradition and in contemporary Polish constitutional law. The paper touches upon the concept of the representative mandate in the Polish constitutionalism in a comprehensive and cross-cutting manner, with regard to both former constitutional rules and the current Constitution. The considerations are based on an analysis of the normative regulations and basic doctrinal approaches. Emphasis has been also placed on the historical context of a representative mandate and on conclusions flowing from comparing the two basic models of a parliamentary mandate. The author enriches his views with references to the everyday political practice, which has a significant influence on the real perception of the notion of a representative mandate.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism (Part 2)

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 236–255
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.14
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5214.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

  • Perspektywa sieciowa w badaniach nad procesem formowania koalicji gabinetowej

    Author: Michał Banaś
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Author: Mateusz Zieliński
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 64–82
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.51.04
    PDF: apsp/51/apsp5104.pdf

    Jednym z podstawowych procesów w systemach parlamentarano-gabinetowych jest formowanie koalicji gabinetowej. Jego badania leżą w centrum zainteresowania politologii, a ich dalszy rozwój – tworzenie nowych teorii, zastosowanie nowych narzędzi badawczych – bezpośrednio wpływa na dynamikę rozwoju całej dziedziny nauki. W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano metodologiczno-teoretyczne zagadnienia związane z użyciem nowej perspektywy badawczej w analizie wskazanego obszaru rzeczywistości politycznej. Autorzy wykazali zgodność założeń perspektywy sieciowej z istniejącą tradycją badań nad koalicjami gabinetowymi, podkreślając równocześnie jej konstytutywne cechy, świadczące o oryginalności proponowanego podejścia. Przedstawiono zarówno szanse, jak i trudności związane z wykorzystaniem perspektywy sieciowej, co w konsekwencji pozwoliło odpowiedzieć na pytanie dotyczące zasadności jej zastosowania w badaniach nad procesem formowania koalicji gabinetowej.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University, Budapest
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 247–262
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.16
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4816.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

  • The Objectives and Tasks of the Internal Historical Politics Imposed by the Law and Justice Party in the Years 2005–2007

    Author: Konrad Słowiński
    Institution: The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 185-198
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.63.12
    PDF: apsp/63/apsp6312.pdf

    The article deals with the issue of the internal historical politics of Law and Justice party (PiS) during their years of power in 2005–2007. From the very beginning, the party put an extreme importance to the issue of patriotism and national memory, making them one of their main objectives. With the inception of power in 2005, the leaders of this group clearly declared that the important goal of their actions would be to restore historical memory, which was to be initiated by the “new historical politics”. When analyzing the historical policy pursued by Law and Justice in the internal dimension, it should be noted that it focused on several key elements. The first of them was building patriotic attitudes among the Polish society. The historical settlement of the communist times became the second goal of the party’s historical politics. The past has begun to be used by the leaders of this formation also to stigmatize political opponents. Moreover, it served as an effective tool to both Kaczyński brothers for mobilizing their own supporters.

  • Political Communication in the Period of the Constitution Referendum Campaign in Poland in 1997

    Author: Dominik Szczepański
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 169-186
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.10
    PDF: apsp/64/apsp6410.pdf

    The aim of the article was to present the means of political communication in the 1997 referendum campaign in Poland, and to find answers for the following questions: 1) who was the creator of political messages?; 2) what was the ideological structure of communication?; 3) what channels did the authors of political message make use of?; 4) in what way did the recipients decode the message?; 5) what was the effect of the political messages?; 6) did the referendum campaign influence the result of parliamentary elections – and if so, to what degree? The answers acquired in that way will contribute to exposing full perspective of political communication.

  • The Reform of the State According to Law and Justice and the Civic Coalition in the Election Programmes of the Parliamentary Elections in 2019

    Author: Damian Wicherek
    E-mail: wicherekdamian@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1710-0820
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 297-306
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.24
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5824.pdf

    The article analyzes the election programmes of the two largest political parties in Poland, namely, Law and Justice and the Civic Platform (Civic Coalition) from the 2019 parliamentary elections, referring to the proposals of these parties to change the functioning of the state, in particular the scope of legislative, executive and judicial power. The conclusion summarizes the presented programme proposals, considering whether their implementation would be possible under the current political conditions.

  • Przewaga konkurencyjna partii politycznych finansowanych z budżetu państwa w Polsce

    Author: Andrzej Stelmach
    E-mail: andrzej.stelmach@amu.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3747-0466
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 125-138
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.02.08
    PDF: ppk/60/ppk6008.pdf

    Competitive advantage of political parties financed by the state budget in Poland

    The article concerns the principles of financing of political parties in Poland. The thesis about creating a competitive advantage of the parties financed from the state budget over other parties was verified. An analysis of the amount of subsidies and other funds paid to eligible political parties was carried out. Particular attention was paid to the domina- tion of funds from the budget over other sources of finance of the largest political par- ties. In conclusion, it was proposed to significantly limit the statutory subsidy and, as a consequence, replace it with voluntary taxation of citizens.

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