Poland

  • Czynniki motywujące studentów do podjęcia studiów zagranicznych w ramach programu Erasmus+ oraz czynniki stanowiące dla nich bariery podczas pobytu za granicą na przykładzie studentów z Polski i Republiki Czeskiej

    W artykule podjęto rozważania dotyczące czynników, które motywują studentów przy podjęciu decyzji o wyjeździe zagranicznym w ramach programu wymiany Unii Europejskiej Erasmus+. Omówiono teoretycznie czynniki zarówno o podłożu poznawczym, takie jak: chęć poznawania kultury kraju przyjmującego, doskonalenie kompetencji językowych uczestników, możliwość podniesienia kompetencji zawodowych, czy też te o podłożu ekonomicznym, dotyczy to na przykład czynników związanych z kosztem utrzymania się w kraju wyjazdu. Grupę badaną stanowili polscy studenci wyjeżdżający w ramach programu Erasmus+ do czeskich uczelni oraz czescy studenci przyjeżdżający do uczelni znajdujących się w Polsce. Badaniami zostali objęci studenci kierunków pedagogicznych i filologicznych, studiujący w uczelniach czeskich oraz polskich. Przedmiotem przeprowadzonych badań były czynniki motywujące studentów do wyjazdu zagranicznego w ramach programu Erasmus+ oraz takie, które mogą stwarzać bariery i trudności podczas pobytu za granicą. Wyniki przeprowadzonych badań pozwalają zauważyć, że przy wyborze kraju goszczącego przez studentów największy udział mają nie czynniki motywacyjne o podłożu poznawczym, lecz czynniki ekonomiczne, takie jak, np. koszty utrzymania – ten aspekt wskazało najwięcej osób, jako najbardziej istotny przy wyborze miejsca wyjazdu. Można stwierdzić, że studenci wyjeżdżający na częściowe studia zagraniczne w ramach programu Erasmus+ kierują się najczęściej czynnikami o podłożu ekonomicznym, a więc sam wyjazd jest dla nich przede wszystkim czasem pewnej niezależności finansowej, a czynniki o podłożu poznawczym stanowią wartość dodaną mobilności. Optymizmem napawa fakt, że studenci w grupie badanej okazali się otwarci na poznawanie kultury kraju goszczącego.

  • Welfare State Support for Families: a Comparative Family Policies Analysis in Poland and Spain

    The paper focuses on the analysis of recent family policies on selected programs and actions in Poland and Spain. The analysis was made on the basis of a comparison of three spheres of supporting the families in both countries: financial support, institutional support and conditions of parental leaves. The main data sources came from the OECD and Ministries in Poland and Spain. Results show that there are differences between Poland and Spain in terms of funds assigned to the support of families and children, in terms of the length of maternity and paternity leaves, the level and types of fi nancial support, and also the types of institutional support.

  • Conspiracy Theories Are Not Only for Election Losers. Anti-system Parties and Conspiratorial Distrust in Poland

    Using data from a nationally representative survey in Poland, this study looks at the links between post-election attitudes, ideology and conspiratorial distrust toward public sphere. The reference point is an argument made by Joseph Uscinski and Joseph Parent. They provide evidence that conspiracy theories are more popular among election losers in the United States. Data presented in the article shows a limitation of the argument and the special role of anti-system party in the Polish parliamentary election of 2015. Therefore, the more comprehensive understanding of conspiracy theories within the field of political science is discussed.

  • The Formation of Local Self-government During the System Transformation Period in Poland and the Former GDR: A Comparative Study

    This paper presents changes that have occurred at the local level in Poland and new German federal states during the process of the post-communist system transformation. The stages of rebuilding the local self-government and its structures are analyzed. The experiences of Poland and Eastern Germany – two states where the system transformation took different courses – were compared. At the same time, both countries have different constitutional orders of the unitary state and federal state, and this context are interesting fields for a comparative analysis. This paper also confronts the two methods of institution building – the importing of well-established institutions and developing them in the evolutionary way, where in both cases path a dependency can be well observed. In Germany this is considered a special case (Sonderfall) of institutional transformation, in which the key role was played by the transference of institutions, personnel and financial means. This was also done much quicker and in a more structured and comprehensive way than in Poland. In the case of Poland, the creation of local self-government structures or shaping the political actors was a grassroots and evolutionary process. This article points out the most important factors that had a crucial significance in the course and results of the transformation and explains different ways of developing the system of democratic local self-government.

  • Reflections on the Proposal to Introduce a Term Limit for Elected Officials Effects and Implications

    The problem of the lack of “generational replacement” in Poland is particularly evident on the local self-government level. For years, there has been an ongoing public debate on the adoption of legal solutions introducing term-limits for the office of commune head, mayor and president of the city. Politicians of Law and Justice returned to their idea from 2005 and, shortly before the local elections of 2018, decided to prepare new regulations in this respect. They argued that the adopted solutions create real prospects for implementing projects by young politicians and activists. However, the issue was hotly debated and the initiators’ motives were put into question. There is no doubt that a two-term limit in local selfgovernment units has always stirred up emotions. A lot of self-government officials perceive it as a regulation which violates the provisions of the Constitution of the RP. The aim of this paper is to present the public debate on the adopted solutions and discuss their assumptions.

  • „Łza kapiąca na wąsy…” „Legenda Młodej Polski” Stanisława Brzozowskiego czyli my a Europa

    “A tear dripping on the moustache...” “The Legend of the Young Poland” by Stanisław Brzozowski that is we and Europe

    Since the beginning of the modern times, one of the main problems of the Polish culture has been the answer to the question concerning the relation: Poland and Europe, the West. A tremendous variety of literary works concerning this topic has been written. One of the outstanding and broadly discussed literary works is The Legend of the Young Poland by Stanisław Brzozowski which was written at the turn of the twentieth century. The main theory expressed by Brzozowski is: Poland has remained beyond Europe since the beginning of the modern times. Its culture has been shaped by the gentry. It is the culture assuming its superiority over Europe. All failures of Poland are treated here as the nonculpable facts and – in the face of all Polish ideals – unjust...And this is H. Sienkiewicz. Therefore Brzozowski suggests using these elements of the Polish culture archetype which – contrary to the tradition of the gentry – are the most valuable. This is the thought of A. Mickiewicz and Romanticism. At the same time, as it was indicated by Gombrowicz in his works, one should bear in mind the fact of the specific character of the Polish culture. The answer to the question about the relation Poland and Europe is – contrary to the radical standpoint of the Legend... – ambiguous.

  • Rationalist Theory of International Relations: The Case of Relations between North Korea and Poland after 1989

    This article focuses on relations between Poland and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea after 1989. Before 1989, bilateral relations between these countries were very close. As of now, the behavior of North Korea toward Poland is based on a rational behavior. The Polish foreign policy toward North Korea is within the EU framework, which supports an evolutionary change in character of the North Korean regime. Poland is involved in North Korea through different fields, especially such as the humanitarian one.

  • The President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Constitutions Adopted in Poland Between 1918 and 2018 – Selected Issues

    The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918.
    The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.

  • Polsko-japońska współpraca polityczna oraz gospodarcza w latach 2003–2017

    The East Asian region has never been among the priority directions of Polish foreign policy – only a few percent of Polish diplomatic engagement was focused on the entire Asian continent. In turn, this small percentage of Polish commitment was divided among all countries in the region. Nonetheless, it is worth noting, that in the examined period (2003–2017), a several very important bilateral agreements were concluded – including agreements that Japan decided to make only with a narrow group of countries.
    In the following paper I decided to analyze the last 14 years of bilateral relations between Poland and Japan. The article uses both language sources (Polish and Japanese), as well as a statistical data.
    At the end of the paper will be shown, that even though relations are developing in the right direction, it should be considered whether the pace of their development will not prevent them from intensification.

  • Zarys relacji politycznych i gospodarczych między Polską i Wielką Brytanią w latach 1990–2018

    The article is focused on the political and economic relations between Poland and Great Britain in last three decades. In first part of the article it was introduced the evolution of the most important political events in bilateral relations and convergent and divergent matters relates to the business of both states before and after the obtainment by the Poland of the membership in NATO and the European Union. Asymmetry among both countries in the political and economic aspect was also underlined. In second part of the article, the attention was concentrated on the analysis of mutual economic relations, in this the growth of trade turnover, services and investments. Consequences for Poland connected with the exit of Great Britain from European Union become also approximate. Four principal conclusions were introduced in the end of the article.

  • Stosunki polsko-rumuńskie w latach 2009–2017. Wybrane problemy

    The article concerns selected problems in the bilateral cooperation between Poland and Romania in 2009–2017. The study attempts to identify the challenges these countries face and how they take action in this regard. The article presents the problem of political and economic cooperation between Poland and Romania in the examined period of time. Issues such as cooperation in the area of external security, energy security or cooperation within the framework of the Three Seas Initiative were discussed. It is important that the joint activities undertaken by Romania and Poland contribute to increasing the attractiveness of the region of Central and Eastern Europe.

  • Aparatura w ochronie roślin w polskim przemyśle tytoniowym w połowie XX wieku

    The article concerns issues relating to tobacco plant protection, which is an important element of the work of every tobacco grower and often decides on the amount and quality of the crops.
    In the middle of the 20th century The Tobacco Industry and the Tobacco Growers’ Association supplied plan protection equipment for tobacco growers. Different designs of spraying equipment have been developed for different types of applications and field and crop conditions. In the Polish tobacco industry one of the most popular was the high volume sprayer OP-20. In the first half of the 60s the percentage of sprayer OP-20 was a more than 50% of all sprayers. Gradually, in place of sprayer OP-20 were introduced sprayers type “Puzon” and “Działkowiec”. Very popular and effective were hand compression sprayers – “Sad” and “Rex”, which were placed in a wheelbarrow. In the middle of the 60s tractor mounted sprayer have been used, especially by plant protection stations.

  • The Polish-Chinese Economic Intensification in the Context of Legal Education: Selected Aspects

    The One Belt One Road initiative and overall intensification of Polish-Chinese trade relations need to be reflected in the field of legal education. For this reason, the paper compares the legal education systems in Poland and China, as well as it presents the main goals of the One Belt One Road project, summarizing the mutual business environments and describing the main challenges associated with them. The Authors also attempt to outline potential directions to be followed in legal education in the context of potential benefits to be derived from the initiative and propose possible solutions to achieve this aim.

  • The draft Constitution of the Polish State of 1917, on the idea of resurrecting the Polish state in 1918 as a mixed (constitutional) monarchy and the main provisions of the monarchical constitution for Poland

    The aim of this paper is to analyze the provisions of the “draft Constitution of the Polish State” of July 1917 – an original achevement of the Polish doctrine of state law. In the opinion of the majority of contemporary representatives of Polish constitutional law, the activities of the Provisional Council of State of the Kingdom of Poland, as well as the Regency Council – bodies composed of Poles, but appointed by the German occupation authorities in 1916–1917, were meaningless, and the bodies themselves were imposed from outside and pursuing foreign interests. As a consequence, the value of the systemic achievements of these bodies and its meaning is denied. However, the analyzed document developed under the auspices of the Provisional Council of State of the Kingdom of Poland was chronologically the first full draft constitution for Poland after the state regained its independence. It is an interesting and original testimony to the high substantive level of Polish science of constitutional law developing in the absence of Polish statehood. It is also a proof that a mixed (constitutional) monarchy was considered to be the optimal political system for rebuilding statehood after more than 120 years of non-existence. The fact of fully Polish authorship of the project (mainly in the persons of prominent professors of law) may be a counter-argument against the thesis that the idea of a monarchical system for the Polish state reactivated in 1918 was completely foreign and imposed from the outside. Although the Polish political elites in 1918 ultimately gave up the idea of introduction of a constitutional monarchy in Poland, some of the solutions contained in the 1917 draft constitution became an inspiration for later systemic projects, both submitted during the work on the first full constitution of an independent Polish state enacted in 1921 as well as during the subsequent discussions on its revision.

  • Between independence and political subordination. A brief outline of the constitutional history of the judiciary in Poland in the years 1918–2018

    On November 11, 2018, 100 years have passed since Poland regained its independence. This period, however, was not entirely the period of the peaceful development of a fully independent state, but a relatively short period of freedom (1918–1939) was interrupted by German occupation during World War II, and then by limited sovereignty and subjection to the Soviet Union in the years 1944–1989. It was not until 1989 that Poland entered again the path of political change that led to the democratization of social and political life and to the adoption in 1997 of the democratic Constitution that is still in force today. This difficult time is in line with the equally difficult history of the Polish judiciary, with the changing constitutional foundations of its organization and sometimes dramatic practice of its functioning. The aim of this study is to synthetically outline these issues, including the basic Polish constitutional norms of 1918– 2018 regarding the judiciary and a brief description of their impact on the functioning of Polish judicial authorities.

  • The constitutionalization process of political parties in Poland. Party system evolution after 1918

    This article analyzes the constitutionalization process of political parties in Poland and the evolution of party system in the years 1918–2018. It is an analysis of political parties in Poland that draws on political science methods and legal studies methodology. We use a concept by Heinrich Triepel, who constructed a four-phases model of relations between parties and the state. The phases are: the abatement of parties (Stadium der Bekämpfung), the ignoring of parties (Stadium der Ignorierung), acknowledgement and legalization (Periode der Anerkenung und Legalisierung) and constitutional incorporation (Ära der verfassungβmasigen Inkorporation). Upon regaining its independence in 1918, Poland entered the third phase. It was not until 1989 that Poland entered the phase of constitutionalization of parties. The methods we employ are historical analysis, document research and comparative analysis. In the article we discuss the evolution of Polish party system and divide it into periods: first spanning from 1918 till 1939, second starting in 1944 and ending in 1989, the last one beginning in 1990. We conclude that the party system in Poland after 1989 underwent a long process of changes. It moved from a system of extreme party fragmentation to a system of imperfect bipartisan competition. What is more, the process of stabilization of electoral law and the institutionalization of political parties contributed greatly to the consolidation of the Polish party system.

  • Evolution of supervision over the activities of local self-government in Poland

    The legal order of contemporary democratic states consists of a supervisory institution which cannot be used for political purposes or used in a discretionary manner. Poland, returning to the maps of Europe in 1918, was a country in which territorial self-government functioned, differing in many aspects from the model we encounter today. The differences concerned, among others supervision, which also played an important role in the activities of local government units in the Second Republic of Poland. The purpose of this article will be to show the evolution of supervision over territorial self-government in Poland.

  • „Babcia Austria”, Polonia rediviva i pułapki losu. Tadeusza Kudlińskiego glosa przewrotna do porozbiorowych dziejów – Saga rodu Grabowskich

    This paper is an interpretation of Poland’s post-Partitions history as depicted in The Grabowski Saga, a story by Tadeusz Kudliński (1980). The focus is on the attitudes of the conservative Galician landed gentry to insurrectionary ideas.

  • Poland’s Foreign Policy towards the European Union 2015-2017: A Hard Cooperation Model or a Collision Course?

    After 1989, Poland’s foreign policy initially prioritized aiming for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the European Union and, upon achieving this goal, the focus shifted to strengthening the bonds with these organizations. This very image was not disturbed even by a short period of time (2005–2007), during which a coalition of the Euroskeptics and the extreme Right ruled the country. However, some symptoms were noticeable back then, regarding a certain change in the manner of thinking about the role of the foreign policy within the framework of state policies or about the model of the unification of Europe. After 8 more years of Poland’s existence within the main trend of European integration processes, a rapid shift to the right occurred on the domestic political scene and in consequence the Law and Justice party achieved full and selfcontained authority. Since that very moment, we have been observing a Warsaw-Brussels conflict that seems to be escalating with almost every passing day. What initiated the conflict? What matters does it concern? What is the possible course of events? In this article, we shall attempt at providing an answer to these, as well as other questions.

  • Finding Poland’s International Position

    The changing political system of the XXI century has brought many shifts not only in the global balance of power but also in various regional balances scattered across the globe. The rise of national power in countries beforehand classified as small powers or other equivalents has forced to once again place these states in the newly created balances of power. Amongst these states is Poland, whose national power has grown substantially in the last decade. Hence, it is necessary to analyze how Poland compares to other states in the international system, on a global and regional level, and through this evaluate what Poland’s international position is. The article aims at assessing Polish national power and roles in regional initiatives to examine how Poland is placed in the global and regional balance of power.

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