political communication

  • Polish Political Science Yearbook

    The Polish Political Science Yearbook (PPSY, ISSN 0208–7375) is a leading, open access, peer-reviewed Central European journal on political science, international relations, public policy and security studies, published since 1967 (until 1981 as the Polish Round Table). Currently, it is a joint initiative of the Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz International Cooperation Fund, the Adam Marszałek Publishing House and the Polish Political Science Association. It serves as a forum for academic scholars and professionals. The PPSY aims to present the latest analytical and methodological advancements, as well as to promote current work in Polish political science and Polish studies. It offers research and theoretical papers on comparative politics, international relations, development studies, security studies, public policy & governance, Polish and Central European politics, political theory, political and electoral systems, as well as political communication. The publication is free of charge. The journal does not have article processing charges, editorial charges or printing fees. The Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz Fund and our donors cover all costs of the journal.

     

  • New Dimensions of the Political Communication. Chances and Limits

    Media and communication are subjects which are closely related. For quite some time in each public debate references are made to an increasing dependence between media and communication processes. Explicit attention is paid to a changing context of the communication process, and especially the process of political communication. The role of media in the process of public communication is, on the one hand, quite traditional; that is to inform the public, popularize information and mobilize citizens to action, all in the name of the public good. On the other hand, it is also noticeable that modern media play new roles such as providers of entertainment, scandals, sensation, enjoyment. All this brings a question: which of these functions tell us about the future of the media, and – consequently – how do they change the process of political communication in the public sphere? And is this what we want?

  • Liberalism vs. Solidarity or Freedom vs. Socialism? Conflicting and Misleading Framings of Mediated Messages in the 2005 Polish Presidential Campaign: A Political Communication Perspective

    For most of September and October 2005, the Polish news media were busy covering the parliamentary and the presidential elections in that country. Beginning two weeks apart from one another, with the presidential run-off election following two weeks later, these overlapping campaigns became the most important media and political events of the year. Their conjunction was an occurrence expected to happen once in 20 years because of Poland’s five-year presidential term and a four-year parliamentary term. For the first time since 1989, the result was that the President, the upper house of the parliament (Senat) and the lower house (Sejm) of the parliament are now controlled by the same party, Law and Justice (PiS). For the first time since Solidarity swept both elections, the Polish electorate has also made a definite turn to the right, voting for a political party that supports radical change, the symbolic setting up of a Fourth Republic which will be a morally superior country in contrast to the third Republic, the independent Polish state established after the Solidarity revolution when Poland was the first country in the former Soviet Block to end communism. This essay analyzes the 2005 presidential campaign from the point of view of agenda setting theory of how political communication is framed in campaign messages, media use and media coverage.

  • Methodological Challenges for International Empirical Studies on Populist Political Communication

    The objective of this paper is to analyze two research tools applied in the social sciences for quantitative and qualitative studies respectively, namely codebook, or coding scheme, and individual in-depth interview – in terms of their applicability for studies of populist political communication. To this end, three codebooks serving as the tools of media content analysis in the above-mentioned international studies conducted in Europe in 2012 – 2017 are critically reviewed, and the structure of a questionnaire for in-depth interviews planned within the COST Action IS1308 Populist Political Communication in Europe: Comprehending the Challenge of Mediated Political Populism for Democratic Politics is analyzed.

  • Serwisy społecznościowe jako narzędzie komunikowania wyborczego. Kandydaci w wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015 na Facebooku

    Artykuł jest analizą sposobu wykorzystania serwisu społecznościowego Facebook przez kandydatów w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015. Wyniki badań dowodzą, że tylko niespełna jedna trzecia kandydatów była w czasie kampanii wyborczej aktywna na Facebooku. Co więcej, materiały informacyjne były znacznie częściej publikowane niż treści o charakterze mobilizacyjnym czy promocyjnym. Nie wykazano też statystycznej zależności między płcią, wiekiem i miejscem zamieszkania kandydatów a intensywnością korzystania z Facebooka w czasie kampanii wyborczej.

  • Facebook a polityka. Wykorzystanie serwisów społecznościowych przez polskie partie polityczne

    FACEBOOK AND POLITICS. THE USE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS BY POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES

    The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.

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