political communication

  • Polish Political Science Yearbook


    The Polish Political Science Yearbook (PPSY, ISSN 0208–7375) is a leading, open access, peer-reviewed Central European journal on political science, international relations, public policy and security studies, published since 1967 (until 1981 as the Polish Round Table). Currently, it is a joint initiative of the Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz International Cooperation Fund, the Adam Marszałek Publishing House and the Polish Political Science Association. It serves as a forum for academic scholars and professionals. The PPSY aims to present the latest analytical and methodological advancements, as well as to promote current work in Polish political science and Polish studies. It offers research and theoretical papers on comparative politics, international relations, development studies, security studies, public policy & governance, Polish and Central European politics, political theory, political and electoral systems, as well as political communication. The publication is free of charge. The journal does not have article processing charges, editorial charges or printing fees. The Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz Fund and our donors cover all costs of the journal.


    Polish Ministry of Science and Higher Education – 70 points.
    The Index Copernicus Value 2016 – 89.01 points (ICV 2015 – 92.73 points).
    MIAR: Information Matrix for the Analysis of Journals 2017 – 6.5 points (MIAR 2016 – 4.00 points).

    Indeksowane w:

  • New Dimensions of the Political Communication. Chances and Limits

    Author: Teresa Sasińska–Klas
    Institution: Jagiellonian University in Kraków (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2012
    Source: Show
    Pages: 341-353
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2012016
    PDF: ppsy/41/ppsy2012016.pdf

    Media and communication are subjects which are closely related. For quite some time in each public debate references are made to an increasing dependence between media and communication processes. Explicit attention is paid to a changing context of the communication process, and especially the process of political communication. The role of media in the process of public communication is, on the one hand, quite traditional; that is to inform the public, popularize information and mobilize citizens to action, all in the name of the public good. On the other hand, it is also noticeable that modern media play new roles such as providers of entertainment, scandals, sensation, enjoyment. All this brings a question: which of these functions tell us about the future of the media, and – consequently – how do they change the process of political communication in the public sphere? And is this what we want?

  • Liberalism vs. Solidarity or Freedom vs. Socialism? Conflicting and Misleading Framings of Mediated Messages in the 2005 Polish Presidential Campaign: A Political Communication Perspective

    Author: Tomasz Płudowski
    Institution: University of Warszawa (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2006
    Source: Show
    Pages: 140-159
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2006011
    PDF: ppsy/35/ppsy2006011.pdf

    For most of September and October 2005, the Polish news media were busy covering the parliamentary and the presidential elections in that country. Beginning two weeks apart from one another, with the presidential run-off election following two weeks later, these overlapping campaigns became the most important media and political events of the year. Their conjunction was an occurrence expected to happen once in 20 years because of Poland’s five-year presidential term and a four-year parliamentary term. For the first time since 1989, the result was that the President, the upper house of the parliament (Senat) and the lower house (Sejm) of the parliament are now controlled by the same party, Law and Justice (PiS). For the first time since Solidarity swept both elections, the Polish electorate has also made a definite turn to the right, voting for a political party that supports radical change, the symbolic setting up of a Fourth Republic which will be a morally superior country in contrast to the third Republic, the independent Polish state established after the Solidarity revolution when Poland was the first country in the former Soviet Block to end communism. This essay analyzes the 2005 presidential campaign from the point of view of agenda setting theory of how political communication is framed in campaign messages, media use and media coverage.

  • Methodological Challenges for International Empirical Studies on Populist Political Communication

    Author: Agnieszka Stępińska
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Author: Jakub Jakubowski
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Author: Dorota Piontek
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 226-243
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.56.14
    PDF: apsp/56/apsp5614.pdf

    The objective of this paper is to analyze two research tools applied in the social sciences for quantitative and qualitative studies respectively, namely codebook, or coding scheme, and individual in-depth interview – in terms of their applicability for studies of populist political communication. To this end, three codebooks serving as the tools of media content analysis in the above-mentioned international studies conducted in Europe in 2012 – 2017 are critically reviewed, and the structure of a questionnaire for in-depth interviews planned within the COST Action IS1308 Populist Political Communication in Europe: Comprehending the Challenge of Mediated Political Populism for Democratic Politics is analyzed.

  • Serwisy społecznościowe jako narzędzie komunikowania wyborczego. Kandydaci w wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015 na Facebooku

    Author: Leszek Porębski
    Institution: Akademia Górniczo-Hutniczaw Krakowie
    Author: Marzena Żurek
    Institution: Akademia Górniczo-Hutniczaw Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 154–168
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.53.08
    PDF: apsp/53/apsp5308.pdf

    Artykuł jest analizą sposobu wykorzystania serwisu społecznościowego Facebook przez kandydatów w polskich wyborach parlamentarnych w roku 2015. Wyniki badań dowodzą, że tylko niespełna jedna trzecia kandydatów była w czasie kampanii wyborczej aktywna na Facebooku. Co więcej, materiały informacyjne były znacznie częściej publikowane niż treści o charakterze mobilizacyjnym czy promocyjnym. Nie wykazano też statystycznej zależności między płcią, wiekiem i miejscem zamieszkania kandydatów a intensywnością korzystania z Facebooka w czasie kampanii wyborczej.

  • Facebook a polityka. Wykorzystanie serwisów społecznościowych przez polskie partie polityczne

    Author: Leszek Porębski
    Institution: AGH w Krakowie
    Author: Kinga Karasek-Kędzior
    Institution: AGH w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 176-190
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.45.10
    PDF: apsp/45/apsp4510.pdf


    The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.

  • Profesjonalizacja komunikacji politycznej w dobie mediatyzacji: wyzwania koncepcyjne i badawcze

    Author: Barbara Brodzińska-Mirowska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 193-209
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.62.12
    PDF: apsp/62/apsp6212.pdf

    W artykule podejmuję refleksję nad zjawiskiem profesjonalizacji komunikacji politycznej w dobie przeobrażeń wynikających z procesu mediatyzacji. Stanowiskiem wyjściowym w podejmowanej dyskusji jest twierdzenie, że profesjonalizacja kampanii wyborczych nie jest równoznaczna z profesjonalizacją komunikacji politycznej w ogóle. W poniższych analizach przyjmuję perspektywę strategicznego podejścia do działań komunikacyjnych podejmowanych przez organizacje partyjne. W pierwszej części dokonuję krytycznej analizy dotychczasowego spojrzenia na proces profesjonalizacji komunikacji politycznej oraz prezentuję wybrane propozycje badawcze, które mają na celu próbę ustrukturyzowania badań profesjonalizacji. W efekcie podjętych analiz, a także na podstawie dotychczasowych doświadczeń badawczych, w drugiej części tekstu proponuję spojrzenie na proces profesjonalizacji z perspektywy sposobu organizacji działań komunikacyjnych przez partie polityczne.

  • Political Communication in the Period of the Constitution Referendum Campaign in Poland in 1997

    Author: Dominik Szczepański
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 169-186
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.10
    PDF: apsp/64/apsp6410.pdf

    The aim of the article was to present the means of political communication in the 1997 referendum campaign in Poland, and to find answers for the following questions: 1) who was the creator of political messages?; 2) what was the ideological structure of communication?; 3) what channels did the authors of political message make use of?; 4) in what way did the recipients decode the message?; 5) what was the effect of the political messages?; 6) did the referendum campaign influence the result of parliamentary elections – and if so, to what degree? The answers acquired in that way will contribute to exposing full perspective of political communication.

  • Polexit Narrative : A Case Study in Terms of Political Communication

    Author: Katarzyna Zalas-Kamińska
    Institution: University of Wroclaw
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 203-215
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.12
    PDF: apsp/64/apsp6412.pdf

    The issue of researching a narrative in terms of political communication, still being discussed by political sciences as a phenomenon classified between media science and political science, has become a challenging field. Mainly due to political reality, where a word “narrative” has emerged as a very common one. The Polexit narrative, a fairly new political phrase, is an example of it. Taking a narrative into account in research of political science might be fascinating not only in terms of methodology itself, but in terms of real political consequences, including the EU-Poland relationships. So that, the questions here are how to study a narrative in relation to politics, and how a created story – here in case of a hypothetical Polexit and not infrequently soaked with generics and populism – influences political reality, including the misunderstanding of the European integration process.

  • Taiwanese Attitudes toward the Political Newcomers in 2016

    Author: Anna Rudakowska
    E-mail: 142036@mail.tku.edu.tw
    Institution: Tamkang University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5107-5788
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 42-73
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202403
    PDF: npw/24/npw2403.pdf

    Taiwanese Attitudes toward the Political Newcomers in 2016

    Taiwan’s Legislative Yuan (LY) is commonly seen as an institution comprised of career politicians. In fact, candidates without prior experience in elected seats of the island’s political structures are no strangers to the LY. Moreover, in the 2016 parliamentary elections, the political novices enjoyed unprecedented support and achieved relative success. The New Power Party (NPP), which only formed in early 2015 and popular mainly due to the several debutants it fielded, including Freddy Lim, Hung Tzu-yung and Huang Kuo-chang, emerged as the LY’s third-largest party. Although it garnered only five of the 113 seats (4.4%), it was a great win for the fledgling party, ranking it third behind the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), which have reigned over the island’s political scene for the past several decades. This article examines the phenomenon of Taiwanese novices. It looks at them from the voters’ perspective. It surveys the demographic profiles and political preferences of Taiwanese who support the newcomers’ engagement in the political process, and compares them with citizens who express negative attitudes toward the newcomers.

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