political thought

  • The Horizons of Polish Political Thought

    Author: Michał Śliwa
    Institution: Jagiellonian University of Kraków (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2012
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-21
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2012001
    PDF: ppsy/41/ppsy2012001.pdf

    It is not without reason that we reflect more and more on the causes of the current state of political thinking in Polish society. Indeed, in modern times, difficult and uncertain, and turbulent times of great transformation, human thought is clearly not keeping pace. Given the rapidly changing external circumstances we have become increasingly confused and inept. We do not really know how to deal with the emerging threats and challenges of modern times, described by the eminent sociologist and philosopher Zygmunt Bauman as the era of “liquid modernity”. It is noticeable that our perception and image of social reality and our role in it, including its political dimension, is quite imperfect and restricted, and that our ideological life is in deep crisis or has perhaps even disappeared.


  • Myśl polityczna polskiego konspiracyjnego ruchu narodowego w czasie II wojny światowej

    Author: mgr Piotr Kurzawa
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 324-354
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201716
    PDF: siip/16/siip1616.pdf

    Political thought of polish underground national movement during World War II

    Nationalists were one of the numerous Polish political movements during World War II. Actively engaging in the fight against the occupying forces, they suffered heavy losses, but does not prevent them in the creation of significant heritage in the field of political thought. The aim of the article is to present the political thought of Polish national movement during the Second World War. Historical, qualitative and comparative methods were used. The whole has been divided into several parts,, in which author examines the with issues of political thought as: Polish war aims, vision of state borders, ratio to national minorities, vision of the political system, economic vision, vision of national security, education and upbringing. The whole article has to show how rich the heritage of those generations.

  • Ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w okresie pierwszych miesięcy „karnawału Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980)

    Author: Tomasz Sikorski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99–136
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.54.06
    PDF: apsp/54/apsp5406.pdf

    W prezentowanym artykule omówiona została ewolucja ideowo-polityczna Stowarzyszenia PAX w pierwszych miesiącach tzw. „festiwalu Solidarności” (sierpień–grudzień 1980). Przedstawiono podstawowe założenia ideologii i programu ruchu katolików postępowych w okresie, gdy kierował nim nieprzerwanie do zakończenia II wojny światowej Bolesław Piasecki, i ich rewizję po jego śmierci. Skoncentrowano się zwłaszcza na lansowanych przez stowarzyszenie koncepcjach „socjalizmu całego narodu”, samorządności, demokratyzacji, poszerzenia „bazy rządzenia”, wypracowania płaszczyzn do porozumienia narodowego (od Ruchu Porozumienia Narodowego do Wielkiej Koalicji). Analizie poddano również relacje pomiędzy PAX a niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi (NSZZ „Solidarność) oraz aparatem partyjno-rządowym. W programie PAX „Solidarność” nie była typowym związkiem zawodowym, ale społecznym (ogólnonarodowym) ruchem rewindykacji praw obywatelskich, dlatego przewidywano, że powinien on uczestniczyć jako podmiot w podejmowaniu decyzji państwowych, tworząc nową „oś pionową” struktur państwowych. W okresie „festiwali Solidarności” z niezależnymi związkami zawodowymi związało się wielu członków PAX. Stowarzyszenie włączyło się czynnie w pomoc przy zakładaniu struktur związkowych.

  • Theoretical and Methodological Considerations on Raison d’État

    Author: Joanna Sanecka-Tyczyńska
    Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University in Lublin
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 51–63
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.04
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4804.pdf

    The concept of raison d’état (reason of state) is very popular in Poland, and it will apparently remain relevant as long as the Polish state exists. The idea is commonly used in official statements by politicians, political journalism, and in various government documents. Raison d’état is an ambiguous concept, which results from simplified and often popular opinions on what is and what is not the raison d’état. Conceptual chaos, intuitive judgments and notions appear to be the reason why political scientists are discouraged from systematized and in-depth studies on this political category. The paper is divided into three parts. The first part discusses definitions of raison d’état and the accompanying problems. The second one deals with the theoretical aspect covering the subjective, objective, temporal and spatial scopes of the concept. Two new definitions of raison d’état were mentioned which diminish the importance of the nation-state at the expense of international organizations. The third part presents methodological approaches in studies on raison d’état understood in two ways: as a system of vital interests of the state and as a category of political thought.

  • Nurty myśli politycznego marginesu. Sprzeczności i niedopowiedzenia

    Author: Paweł Malendowicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-26
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201601
    PDF: siip/15/siip1501.pdf

    The insignificant trends of political thought. Contradictions and understatements

    The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Slavophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.

  • The Self-government Constitutes an Essential Element of the Civil Security in Polish Political Thought after 1989

    Author: Grzegorz Radomski
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 232-241
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019203
    PDF: ppsy/48-2/ppsy2019203.pdf

    The article analyses the Polish political thought after 1989 concerning the local self-government. Attention was drawn to various currents of the Polish political thought, such as liberalism, conservatism, the teaching of the Church, social democracy or nationalism. Particular attention was paid to the role of the self-government in building civil society and to the forms of citizen participation. According to the main hypothesis, the activity of the local self-government is generally accepted. The self-government is an important element of political projects and is considered an important element of civil security and plays an important role in building the civil society. The thought of Charles Taylor “the atrophy of the self-government constitutes a danger for the stability of the liberal society and in the consequence for the freedom protected by it” suited undoubtedly the liberals and the representatives of other political trends

  • A Vision of the State’s Political System in the Political Thought of the National Party between 1928 and 1939

    Author: Aneta Dawidowicz
    Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 330-344
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019209
    PDF: ppsy/48-2/ppsy2019209.pdf

    Views of the National Party (1928-1939) merit special attention, given both the Party’s prominent role in the political life of interwar Poland and the interesting combination of various elements derived from diverse ideological trends within the Party’s programme. The ideological legacy of the National Party reflected, to a large extent, the key constituents of the National Democracy’s political thought, such as nationalism, representation of all social classes, national integrity and the concept of the nation-state. The National Party underwent major evolution and was subject to internal divisions which makes the image of its political thought much more complex. Based on an analysis of the National Party’s political thought, several conclusions can be formulated. The National Party developed its own views regarding political systems. These were, to a large extent, determined by their own system of values based on the national idea. The National Party’s political system projections were mainly inspired by (1) the successes of the “new type” states; (2) pressure from totalitarian systems; and (3) the influence of the economic and spiritual crisis. The National Party leaders wanted to make the political system more efficient. Nonetheless, views in favor of directly imitating any foreign political systems could hardly be found in the Party’s political thought. The National Party’s ideologists and journalists invariably stated that there was no pre-defined political system, but its form had to be adjusted to the specificity and unique character of a given national body. Although inspiration was drawn from external political systems, the Party’s political thought did not lose its independence.


    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 63-89
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140203
    PDF: hso/7/hso703.pdf

  • Kazimierz Dagnan: polski narodowy socjalista

    Author: Jarosław Tomasiewicz
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89-111
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2018.05
    PDF: pbs/6/pbs605.pdf

    Kazimierz Dagnan (1891-1986) was an extraordinary, but practically forgotten today, figure. The activist of the independence conspiracy before the World War I, and the Piłsudski’s legionnaire had an almost archetypal biography for a generation of fighters for independence. In independent Poland, he found himself in the government administration, but he did not limit himself to an administrative career. He followed his own path, faithful to your ideals connecting the cause of Polish independence with the idea of the emancipation of the working class. He was active on the pro-Piłsudski wing of the National Workers’ Party (NWP), and after the coup d’etat in 1926 he became involved in the splinter pro-regime NWP-Leftgroup. He was an ideologist of the national workers’ movement, stubbornly trying to radicalize him. Making a synthesis of nationalism, democracy and reformist socialism, he created the original Polish national-socialist ideology. This ideology assumed the construction of a „People’s Poland of Labour” as a democratic state in which grassroots socialization of the means of production and exchange would gradually proceed. The priority for Dagnan still was the sovereignty of the Polish state and the primacy of the Polish (ethnic) nation in this state. The political expression of this ideology was the Party of National Socialists created in 1933, which, however, did not succeed and vegetated on the margins of political life. During World War II, Dagnan returned to his native Nowy Sącz. In People’s Poland, he began a second life there - as an artist and social activist valued in the local community.

  • „Rzeczpospolita menadżerów” czy „prymitywny tayloryzm”? Koncepcje ekonomiczne Aleksandra Bocheńskiego w latach osiemdziesiątych

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 157-183
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2018.08
    PDF: pbs/6/pbs608.pdf

    An important element of Aleksander Bocheński’s political reflection was the analysis of economic phenomena. It was also always intertwined with the geopolitical reflection retained in the mainstream of political realism, which was the key to his concept. Bocheński affirmed the People’s Poland as a form of Polish statehood not only in the international but also in the economic aspect. He postwar than pre-war economic achievements, seeing the Second Republic primarily through the prism of the economic crisis and the weakness of industry. Over time, he became an honest supporter of the command and distribution system, raising the importance of labor discipline and high production rates. The emergence of Solidarity, martial law and the policy of Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski’s team considered not only in terms of the threat of Soviet intervention and internal destabilization, but also the economic crisis. He wanted a deep reform of the economic system, which nevertheless did not violate the general principle of economic control by the state. In place of the „dictatorship of bureaucrats,” he proposed the „dictatorship of managers”, combined with an appropriate system of incentive motivators. This led to his criticism of the idea of introducing competition mechanisms into the PRL economy. Treating the economic system as a great conglomerate, which every employee should feel obliged to work efficiently and reliably in the name of higher goals, he seemed to create a Polish variant of Taylorism. On the other hand, despite the large anachronism of his reflection, he appreciated the importance of computerization and economic relief for private entrepreneurs. In the turn of 1989, he referred with reserve to the actions of Deputy Prime Minister Balcerowicz, raising the social costs of shock therapy and its negative effects on Polish industry. At the end of his life, he was much better at assessing the economic policies of communists than the governments of the Third Polish Republic. He did not believe in the „invisible hand of the market”, but in the decisive role of adequately managed capital, that is, an efficient state apparatus. The pre-war and post-war advocate of etatism also remained faithful to the belief that the international position of the state determined to a decisive extent its economic potential.

  • Polska „wobec Rosji” w 1941 r. Nieznany memoriał Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego jako attaché prasowego ambasady polskiej w Związku Sowieckim

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5360-464X
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 207-240
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2019.08
    PDF: pbs/7/pbs708.pdf

    Poland „towards Russia” in 1941. Unknown memorial of Ksawery Pruszyński as a press attaché of the Polish embassy in the Soviet Union)

    Ksawery Pruszyński, one of the most talented Polish writers and publicists of the first half of the 20th century, underwent significant political evolution in his short life. His first articles unequivocally testified that he was an anti-communist, fiercely fighting all sympathy for Soviet policy, and at the same time an apologist of Józef Piłsudski and a spokesman for the Promethean concept. Pruszyński, a conservative, having respect for the Polish traditions of this movement, but seeking his new formula adequate to the requirements of modern times, and a spokesman for „superpower Poland” was at the same time a socially sensitive creator and reluctant to any dictatorship. This quarreled with his colleagues from the editorial staff of „Youth Rebellion” and led to the ranks of cautious apologists of the republican side fighting in the Spanish Civil War. However, he formulated the concept of the Polish-Soviet alliance against Germany, for which the price could be Polish eastern lands, and the prize - German eastern lands, only after the outbreak of the German-Soviet war. In 1941–1942 Pruszyński was a press attaché at the Polish embassy of the USSR. At that time he prepared the presented memorial, probably directed at the hands of Prime Minister General Sikorski, in which he wrote about the need to recognize the importance of the Russian factor in Polish politics. The text anticipated the article Towards Russia, published in 1942, in which the author has already ambiguously suggested the necessity of the assignment of Polish eastern territories in the name of correct relations. This caused a wave of criticism of the publicist, but he was more and more consistent in his views. This led him to return to Poland in 1945 and to accept the post-Yalta reality. He was not an ardent admirer, but he considered her the result of geopolitical realities. This, too, seems to have been the main reason for changing his views on the Soviet Union and communism – adopting hard policy rules as unchanging, perhaps colored by some social spell on Marxist radicalism. At the end of his life, Pruszyński held diplomatic functions. He died tragically in 1950 in a car accident, leaving unfinished texts and questions about the further fate of his views in the changing post-war conditions.

  • Obraz kultury chłopskiej w myśli politycznej wybranych partii ludowych działających w II Rzeczypospolitej

    Author: Marcin Wichmanowski
    E-mail: marcin.wichmanowski@poczta.umcs.lublin.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marie Curie-Skłodowskiej
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-57487946
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 177-203
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20202508
    PDF: npw/25/npw2508.pdf

    The image of peasant culture in the political thought of selected people’s parties of the Second Polish Republic

    Culture formed a significant element of political thought of every major political movement, both during the final years of partition of Poland, and after it regained its independence. The scope of interest of people’s parties covered almost everything that had a rural context, relating to the many millions of peasants. The present article analyzes the program assumptions of the Polish People’s Party “Piast” [Pol. Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe “Piast”], Polish People’s Party “Wyzwolenie” [Pol. Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wyzwolenie”], Peasant’s Party [Pol. Stronnictwo Chłopskie] and the People’s Party [Pol. Stronnictwo Ludowe] relating to the aforesaid category of political sciences. These parties played a significant role in the history of people’s movement, influencing the shape of the recreated Polish state during the interwar bi-decade. The political thought of people’s parties aimed at bestowing the peasant’s culture with both autonomous, and nationwide value. These ideological assumptions were included in the political programs of people’s parties.

  • The Kingdom of Poland - The Postulate of Monarchy Restoration in the Political Thought of Polish Monarchists

    Author: Tomasz Koziełło
    E-mail: tkoziello@ur.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3657-2601
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 39-52
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.06.03
    PDF: ppk/64/ppk6403.pdf

    The author analyses the political thought of Polish monarchists in the Third Republic concerning the reconstruction of the Kingdom of Poland. The article focuses on such issues as the advantages of monarchy, the features of the monarchist system, the ways of achieving the goal, the king’s competences in the new system, and the possibility of rebuilding the monarchy. According to the author, for 30 years, Polish monarchists have been working comprehensively to win supporters for the idea of rebuilding the monarchy and are preparing for the moment when the political transformation will be possible.

  • Od idealisty do katolickiego Talleyranda Andrzej Micewski – ideolog, działacz i gracz polityczny w środowiskach katolickich w powojennej Polsce

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5360-464X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 145-196
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2021.07
    PDF: pbs/9/pbs907.pdf

    The article focuses on the political and ideological evolution of Andrzej Micewski, with a particular study of the years 1945–1956. This journalist, initially associated with Tygodnik warszawski and Stronnictwo Pracy, made a connection with the group „Today and Tomorrow” after the fall of the independent Christian Democratic trend. Initially, he was a spokesman for the Catholic „third Road” there, but with time he became one of the most ardent supporters of „Catholic socialism” and ideologist of the „PAX” Association. His journalism fully supported the mainstream of official propaganda, expressing his enchantment with the system, incl. in assessing the internal and international situation, as well as in the context of the relationship between the state and the Church, in which he clearly stood on the side of the authorities repressing independent clergy. In 1956, however, he left PAX, founding the weekly magazine “For and Against” and co-creating the concept of a “non-partisan democratic left”. Its defeat probably caused him to believe that there were no prospects for ideological public activity. With time, his activities became more and more machiavellian, also he establishing cooperation with state security agencies. He was active in the “Znak” movement, trying unsuccessfully to build his own faction in it, and in the 1980s he collaborated with the Polish Episcopate and “Solidarity”. In the Third Polish Republic there was deputy to the Sejm, however, already expressing disappointment with political activity. His fascination with Prince Talleyrand was symbolic - it meant that he covered his opportunistic game with great ideas. Thus, he turned from an idealist, a believer in socialism, into a cynical official. He treated politics only as a zero-sum game, despite his excellent understanding of the arcana of politics, which he proved in his extensive historical journalism.

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