• Rozwój lokalnych i odnawialnych źródeł energii na Białorusi stan obecny i perspektywy

    Author: Arkadiusz Czwołek
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu, Poland
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 151-171
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2014208
    PDF: npw/07/npw2014208.pdf

    In 2010, Byelorussia undertook an ambitious plan to reduce dependence of its energy sector on supplies of Russian energy sources. In accordance with the adapter concept, participation of local fuels in the country’s energy balance is to increase from 20.7% in 2010 to 32% in 2020. Implementation of the strategy for increasing participation of local and renewable energy sources in the country’s energy and fuel balance encounters numerous problems. Insufficient financial resources, corruption scandals in the background, and problems with finding foreign investors seem to jeopardise chances for implementation of the government strategy concerning the renewable energy sources. Thus, Byelorussia will still remain a country strongly dependant on supplies of Russian natural gas.

  • Perspektywy modernizacji białoruskiej energetyki w latach 2011–2016

    Author: Arkadiusz Czwołek
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-128
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2014106
    PDF: npw/06/npw2014106.pdf

    The paper attempts to estimate chances for modernisation of the Byelorussian Energy system in the years 2011–2016. In accordance with the government strategy, in 2015 Byelorussia is to become an energy independent country. The ambitious government plan provides for modernisation of several tens of power facilities. It also aims at reducing the dependence of the domestic energy sector on Russian energy sources. However, the modernisation plans of the energy system include a significant risk, as their financing largely depends on obtaining foreign loans. The current implementation rate of the government strategy indicates that chances for modernising the outdated Byelorussian energy system are small. Only commissioning of a nuclear power plant will end Byelorussian problems with electric power shortages.

  • Wszechobecność władzy i postawa krytyczna. Inspiracje myślą Michela Foucaulta dla politologii

    Author: Jan Grzymski
    Institution: Uczelnia Łazarskiego
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 85–98
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2017.54.05
    PDF: apsp/54/apsp5405.pdf

    Artykuł przywołuje filozofię władzy Michela Foucaulta i pokazuje, jak może ona zainspirować polską politologię do przyjęcia innego podejścia do badania władzy. Autor wskazuje, jak Foucault analizował historyczne praktyki i techniki władzy „produkujące” podmiotowość i tożsamość jednostek. W takim ujęciu władza nie może być pojmowana jako własność jakiejś konkretnej osoby, grupy ludzi czy instytucji, ale jako pewnego rodzaju strategia działania. Autor ukazuje też, na czym może polegać zainspirowana myślą Michela Foucaulta formuła krytyki akademickiej, stanowiącej etos i określoną postawę badawczą.

  • The Concept of “International Role” in International Relations Theory and Practice: The “PIPP” Analytical Model and Roles Actors Play in World Politics

    Author: Andriy Tyushka
    Institution: Baltic Defence College in Tartu
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 27–53
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.02
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5202.pdf

    Although a current and marketable term in the literature and political discourses, the notion of ‘international role’ still lacks a clear and succinct, let alone consensually applicable, definition. This article posits that, from the actorness perspective as a point of departure, the concept of “international role” may well be assessed through the lenses of the quad-element “PIPP” analytical model, which is herewith developed. Thereby, the analysis of actor’s international role has to make a long conceptual sojourn from power, influence presence to performance (PIPP). These four embedded concepts (PIPP model) help assess the explanandum, i.e. “actor’s international role”, in a theoretically-informed, systematic and holistic way, thus avoiding the pitfalls of sporadic (mis) usage found in common parlance.

  • Socjotechnicze aspekty personalizacji polityki

    Author: Łukasz Scheffs
    Institution: Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 25-42
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.47.02
    PDF: apsp/47/apsp4702.pdf


    An issue of interest is the process of personalization of politics. I am going to examine it from the point of view of social engineering. There is no doubt that we can find many things in common between social engineering and personalization. Personalization is a broader syndrome of traits that can be reduced to a change in the nature of leadership in democracy, especially in campaign. As one might expect cause of this state of affairs, on the one hand it is still a growing number of those who serve as prime minister on the basis of “presidential style of administration”, on the other hand – the actual (institutional) changes in parliamentary systems.


    Author: GRZEGORZ PAC
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 90-121
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso160204
    PDF: hso/11/hso1104.pdf

    The text analyses the problem of the sanctity of rulers, especially non-martyrs, in Latin Europe in the Early and High Middle Ages. The starting point for this discussion is a frequently asked question about the reasons for the lack of such a phenomenon in Poland.

  • Władza polityczna w nauczaniu papieża Benedykta XVI

    Author: Paweł Kusiak
    Institution: Akademia Marynarki Wojennej
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 162-177
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.62.10
    PDF: apsp/62/apsp6210.pdf

    Przedmiot niniejszego artykułu stanowi nauczanie społeczne Kościoła katolickiego ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem interpretacji i wkładu weń papieża Benedykta XVI. Autor pragnie dokonać rekonstrukcji stanowiska papieża Benedykta odnośnie władzy politycznej. W ramach artykułu autor analizuje sposób, w jaki zjawisko władzy politycznej interpretowane jest w katolickiej nauce społecznej oraz sposób, w jaki papież Benedykt XVI interpretował i rozwijał nauczanie Kościoła dotyczące tej problematyki. Dodatkowo rozbudowany został fragment dotyczący stosunku Benedykta XVI do systemu politycznego demokracji.

  • Power Analysis and Geopolitical Codes of South China Sea States in the Context of Contemporary Geopolitics

    Author: Marek Musioł
    Institution: University of Wrocław
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 407-430
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019302
    PDF: ppsy/48-3/ppsy2019302.pdf

    The analysis in this article provides an overview of the research on the current relations among countries of the South China Sea basin. For this purpose, I have decided to apply the geopolitical research workshop, focusing on its contemporary approach. On the one hand, this work uses the available indicators and index to gauge the level of development, economic and demographic potential, and military expenditure of these states. On the other hand, an effort was made to analyze and measure power, taking into account the changing geopolitical status of countries in this sub-region.
    Contemporary geopolitics in this context allows to verify the scale of the impact on permanent environmental and geographic factors (e.g. publicized investments carried out by the People’s Republic of China in Mischief Reef, Fiery Cross, Subi Reef and Woody Island) and the elaboration of proposals going beyond the classical, geopolitical framework (morphological, political and military factors). Therefore, this article also includes the use of geopolitical codes to assess the current strategies of these countries and to describe potential scenarios of actors’ behaviour in the sub-region.

  • Summer Olympic Games in Beijing in the context of selected scientific theories

    Author: Tomasz Matras
    E-mail: tomaszmatas.uniwroc@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4136-2038
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-22
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2019101
    PDF: so/15/so1501.pdf

    Summer Olympic Games in Beijing in the context of selected scientific theories

    Summer Olympic Games is, apart from football world cup, the most popular sports event. It is widely believed that it is something more than just sports event. It can be analysed from economic, marketing or political perspective. It is an opportunity to present country’s own culture, technology and history. However, there is also some kind of threat associated with such events. Organization of such events is not possible without involvement of public sector and political bodies. It creates specific relationship in which sport affects functioning of the state in some areas and state may use Olympic Games for its own particularistic interests. Such relationship occurred also in the case of 29th Summer Olympic Games in Beijing that took place between 8.08.2008 and 24.08.2008.
    This article shows how China tried to use the olympic games to achieve political goals. Additionally, it was verified to what extent the organization of the event influenced the change of perception of China to international arena, civil liberties and the consolidation of society around the political bodies. The considerations were based on several scientific theories defining the role of sport in image building countries – presented by Barrie Houlihan, Joshua Goldstein, Walter Maening and Maurice Roche.

  • Regulation of Fashion by Legal Acts in the Russian Empire

    Author: Zakharova Oksana Yuryevna
    E-mail: irinamak67@ukr.net
    Institution: Independent Researcher
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2143-7020
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 9-20
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20200101
    PDF: ksm/25/ksm2501.pdf

    Attempts to regulate by the governance of mode of life and behavior of partials in the history of imperial states were especially evident in the fashion industry. The article explores the evolution of the Russian court costume, as well as the uniform of officials and students during the XVIII-XIX centuries in the context of social political reforms that took place in the state during this period of time.
    The content of government decrees published in the full collection of laws of the Russian Empire is analyzed, which contain orders on the color of the fabric, cut and trim of the costume. The purpose of this lawmaking is to “reconcile” the old Russian traditions with the norms of modern European life. A special place in the study is given to the reforming activities of Peter I, who, with his decrees, changed the entire “sign” system of Ancient Russia. Peter I “changed clothes” of the Russian elite into a European costume, but after the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet elite could not wear the prePeter garb, which, like the entire “sign system” of the Moscow kingdom, was associated with the ideas of Orthodoxy, the inviolability and the eternity of regal power.
    In the 20-30s of the twentieth century, the struggle in the USSR against the tailcoat and tall hat was a struggle against bourgeois ethics, and as a result, a struggle against the norms of Western European etiquette.
    It is revealed that the problem of “form” in the broadest sense of the word was of particular importance for Russian life. The pressure of a powerful, but not organized force - all this increased the importance of external forms and organization of life, be it a form of government structure or everyday life.

  • Between Nation-Building and Contestation for Power: The Place of Party Politics in Nigeria, 1923-2019

    Author: Adetunji Ojo Ogunyemi
    E-mail: motunji@gmail.com
    Institution: Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife (Nigeria)
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 51-71
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020404
    PDF: ppsy/49-4/ppsy2020404.pdf

    By May 29, 2019, Nigeria’s Fourth Republic and democracy had achieved an unprecedented 20 unbroken years of active partisan politics and representative democracy. The First Republic had lasted barely three years (1963-1966); the Second Republic and its democratic institutions lasted just four years (1979-1983) while the Third Republic (19921993) could barely hold its head for one year. Hence, by mid-2019, not many analysts have congratulated Nigeria for its longest democratic experience since its independence from Britain in 1960, but hardly did any of them identify the core reasons for such a sustained rule of democratic ethos for two decades. In this paper, we show the origin and practice of political parties in Nigeria. We argue that the country had succeeded in its Fourth Republic as a democratic country because its law and constitution together with the political culture of the people had permitted multiparty democracy by which governments had been formed, political inclusion and popular participation ensured, and public policies initiated. We also present an analysis of party politicking in the country from its beginning in 1923 and conclude that Nigeria has achieved meaningful and sustainable dividends of democracy in her Fourth Republic because of a maturing culture of partisan politics.

  • Inhomogeneity of civil society and its infl uence on government

    Author: Tamara Lozynska
    E-mail: tamara.lozynska@pdaa.edu.ua
    Institution: Poltava State Agrarian Academy
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2858-9374
    Author: Oleksandr Ivanina
    E-mail: oleksandr.ivanina@gmail.com
    Institution: Uzhhorod National University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9427-8473
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 61-73
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2021303
    PDF: rop/17/rop1703.pdf

    In the context of democratic discourse, civil society is given a decisive role in the formation of power and influence on power. However, between the authorities (state and self-governing) and public organizations, as representatives of the interests of civil society, mostly subject-object relations are established, where the subject is the government. The article is devoted to finding an answer to the question: can the model of subject-subject relations between the government and civil society, where both social institutions are equal participants in the political process, have practical application? Analysis of social changes in Western Europe and Ukraine gives grounds to support the point of view of those scholars who consider civil society the basis of the state, a factor that gives a specific character to each state formation, regardless of the generality of democratic processes. At the same time, attention is drawn to the heterogeneity of civil society, which is a barrier to its consolidation and strengthening of subjectivity. There is a noticeable increase in competition between the state and civil society in terms of influencing society, as well as the manipulation of public movements by public authorities to achieve political goals. However, a fairly high level of public confidence in public organizations and the potential for their advocacy allow the use of public influence to activate the population and strengthen the position of civil society in relations with the authorities.

  • O potrzebie armii europejskiej w kontekście globalnej zmiany geopolitycznej

    Author: Sławomir Sadowski
    E-mail: slsadowski@ukw.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3437-9114
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 170-192
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202008
    PDF: siip/19/siip1908.pdf

    Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest kwestia zorganizowania skutecznego systemu obronnego Unii Europejskiej w kontekście zmiany geopolitycznej dokonującej się w świecie. Tym samym istotna staje się odpowiedź na pytanie, czy Unia Europejska chcąc utrzymać istotną rolę w globalnym układzie politycznym może tego dokonać nie dysponując sprawnym instrumentem militarnym? Wydaje się, że Unia Europejska pozbawiona efektywnej siły militarnej może zachować ważną pozycję w systemie globalnym, lecz zostanie zredukowana do roli mocarstwa drugiego rzędu, jako podmiot nie pełnowymiarowy. Zasadniczymi metodami badawczymi są różne metody pomiaru potęgi jednostek politycznych.

  • Przemoc ustanawiająca prawo i podtrzymująca prawo a wolne od przemocy środki („czyste środki”) rozwiązywania konfliktów między jednostkami i w polityce – w świetle teorii Waltera Benjamina

    Author: Joanna Stepaniuk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4724-7687
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 179-190
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/cip202110
    PDF: cip/19/cip1910.pdf

    Problematyka tekstu konkluduje wokół zagadnienia przemocy, którego źródła należy dopatrywać się w tekście „Przyczynek do krytyki przemocy” autorstwa Waltera Benjamina. Przedmiotem refleksji są różne formy przemocy ustanawiającej prawo, jak i przemocy podtrzymującej prawo, a także ich związku z wolnymi od przemocy środkami, a więc „czystymi środkami”. Takie podejście pozwala na krytyczną analizę zależności istniejącej między jednostką (człowiekiem), a funkcjonowaniem instytucji (państwa, władzy) opartej na określonych regulacjach prawnych. Tekst zachęca do zastanowienia się nad tym: czy przemoc rozumiana jako zasadna może być moralna? i czy wszelka przemoc jest środkiem do sprawiedliwego czy też niesprawiedliwego celu? Wydaje się, że część końcowa tekstu poprzez różnicowanie rodzajów przemocy, dzieląc ją na boską, mityczną, wychowawczą, pozwala odpowiedzieć na te dwa kluczowe, przedstawione wcześniej pytania.

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